Cross-cultural encounters produce boundaries and frontiers. This book explores the formation, structure, and maintenance of boundaries and frontiers in settler colonies. The southern nations of Australia, New Zealand and South Africa have a common military heritage as all three united to fight for the British Empire during the Boer and First World Wars. The book focuses on the southern latitudes and especially Australia and Australian historiography. Looking at cross-cultural interactions in the settler colonies, the book illuminates the formation of new boundaries and the interaction between settler societies and indigenous groups. It contends that the frontier zone is a hybrid space, a place where both indigene and invader come together on land that each one believes to be their own. The best way to approach the northern Cape frontier zone is via an understanding of the significance of the frontier in South African history. The book explores some ways in which discourses of a natural, prehistoric Aboriginality inform colonial representations of the Australian landscape and its inhabitants, both indigenous and immigrant. The missions of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in Polynesia and Australia are examined to explore the ways in which frontiers between British and antipodean cultures were negotiated in colonial textuality. The role of the Treaty of Waitangi in New Zealand society is possibly the most important and controversial issue facing modern New Zealanders. The book also presents valuable insights into sexual politics, Aboriginal sovereignty, economics of Torres Strait maritime, and nomadism.
Missionary families were the building blocks of an enterprise that spanned the globe in the nineteenth (and twentieth) century. This book explores both the institutional and the intimate history of the missionary family. It is anchored in the specificities of the South Seas Mission and South African Mission: the first two missions of the London Missionary Society (LMS), out on the absolute border of the spiritual frontier. The book traces the history of the missionary couple's place within LMS mission objectives in the nineteenth century. Missionary wives became unofficial and unpaid missionaries themselves with carefully delineated gendered roles. The initial ambivalence about their role gave way to their ascendency in mid-century, only to be partially marginalised upon the arrival of single 'lady' missionaries from 1875 onwards. The book shows how the personal and professional lives of male and female missionaries were structured around marriage, and if they were lucky, companionate marriage. Male and female missionaries on the spiritual frontier had to deal with the all the difficulties and delights of parenthood in a state of perceived racial and cultural isolation. The book unpacks the duality of missionary children, how their good and bad behaviour could actively shape the mission experience. Second-generation missionaries were a success story for the LMS, received encouragement from their parents, had cultural sympathy, linguistic fluency and climactic suitability, and were often just the beginning of long-standing missionary dynasties.
The London Missionary Society in Polynesia and Australia, 1800–50
This chapter examines the
missions of the LondonMissionarySociety (LMS) in Polynesia and
Australia in the first half of the nineteenth century in order to
explore the ways in which frontiers and boundaries between British
and antipodean cultures were negotiated in colonial textuality.
Whilst the prior expectations of the British missionary societies
taken an important doctrinal and theological decision: to reject the
Presbyterianism of the Church of Scotland for Congregationalism,
which vested ecclesiastical authority not in a priesthood (much less
an episcopacy) or in select laypeople but in each congregation. The
only missionary society to which Livingstone became affiliated was
the LondonMissionarySociety (LMS), avowedly interdenominational
‘Originally,’ wrote Richard Lovett in his
centenary history of the LondonMissionarySociety (LMS) in 1899, ‘the idea was that
the Christian family would be an educative and helpful influence to the natives, and as the
European children grew up they also would take part in missionary labour, and be all the
better qualified for the work from their intimate knowledge of native life.’ So far, so
good. Unfortunately ‘this was a fond imagination, but, like so many others, it fared
badly under the rough trial of
again appear between LMS ideals, and the reality of the field.
Widows and orphans
By 1818 the LondonMissionarySociety had not exactly
reversed its policy on marriage then, but had finally and gradually come to the realisation
that pre-embarkation marriage would become foundational to the enterprise, and that the
missionary couple, the embodiment of a unique and particular notion of mission (based on
permanency, stability and ‘civilisation’), would be its most appropriate agent.
Missionary women were fundamental to
they were unable
to withstand … and their conduct since has given us extreme pain. (South Seas
missionary Charles Barff, 9 September 1845)
As we have seen throughout this book, then, the LondonMissionarySociety (LMS) was constantly and consistently preoccupied with issues relating to
missionary families, a situation forced upon them by missionaries in the field, who fretted
anxiously about their children’s futures, and by a philanthropically- and
evangelically-minded missionary public. The LMS
The biblical identity politics of the Demerara Slave Rebellion
, ten of these being decapitated. The heads of the leading insurgents were set on spikes and their dead bodies hung on gibbets at the entrance to the plantations.
The colonial authorities were not slow to assign blame. The rebellion had been instigated and orchestrated by the leading men of Bethel Chapel, pastored since 1817 by the Revd John Smith of the LondonMissionarySociety. In September, his head deacon, Quamina of the Success plantation, was shot dead while on the run
This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book describes the history of one particular mission station in the under-studied north-east region of India with alternative readings of the interactions between missionary, indigenous peoples and other British imperial agents. It explores the arrival of Welsh missionaries in India in 1841. The book also explores the origins of their Calvinistic Methodist denomination in the eighteenth century, their split from the London Missionary Society (LMS) as an assertion of Welsh identity. It focuses on the voyage to India and their arrival in the Khasi hills at a time when earlier missionaries from Serampore had already wielded some influence. The book provides the work of the first generation of missionaries in relation to language translation, education, proselytism and negotiation with native polity. It examines the scandals of mission.
In the geo-politics of empire from the 1770s to the 1830s, the northeast was undergoing a period of transition, in which a zone of indeterminacy became an edge, and a barrier became incorporated into a known region. Cherrapunji thus became a distinctive landmark, a node in the imperial network. At an intimate and personal level, the Khasi Hills were becoming a domesticated destination and end point as much as a staging post and site of transience. The regional subtleties of climate in India may not have been fully understood either by the London Missionary Society (LMS) or the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS). The Khasi Hills were something altogether different and unexpected. 'The tranquillity of the borders', asserted Francis Jenkins, 'can only be effectually and economically provided for, by maintaining our ascendancy in the Hills'.