Portraiture, caricature and visual culture in Britain, c. 1830–80
Author: Henry Miller

This book examines the role of political likenesses in a half-century that was crucial for the political modernisation of Britain, a two-party system that began to take shape and politicians became increasingly accountable and responsive to public opinion. Political language, especially electoral rhetoric, has been accorded considerable weight by recent studies in building broad coalitions of political support in popular and electoral politics. The book studies political likenesses, the key mode of visual politics at this time, as part of a nuanced analysis of contemporary political culture and the nature of the representative system. It examines a diverse range of material including woven silk portraiture, oil paintings, numismatics and medals, banners, ceramics, statuary and memorials as well as items printed on paper or card. After an analysis of the visual culture spawned by the reform bills of 1831-1832, the book shows how Conservative and Liberal/Reformer identities were visualised through semi-official series of portrait prints. The pictorial press, photographs and portrait testimonials, statues and memorials, MPs were venerated as independent representatives and champions of particular localities, trades, interests or issues, and not party hacks. Depictions of Lord Palmerston and his rivals, including Lord John Russell and Lord Derby, in the 1850s and 1860s often underplayed in pictorial representations to emphasise physical and political vigour. The role of political portraits and cartoons in the decade after the passing of the 1867 Representation of the People Act is also discussed.

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Provenance, characteristics and issues
James McDermott

might be), be used. Like so much else concerning the system, they were left to discover the ‘correct’ answer by trial and error. From their first sittings, some offered only temporary or conditional exemptions whatever the applicant’s circumstances.55 Conversely, other Tribunals were willing to offer absolute certificates to men whose circumstances made their eligibility for exemption from military service obvious on the day itself, and leave the matter of any subsequent change in circumstances to future review. Lord Derby’s urgent remonstration in late February 1916

in British Military Service Tribunals, 1916–1918
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Henry Miller

Lord Derby, in the 1850s and 1860s. Palmerston’s age was frequently underplayed in pictorial representations to emphasise his physical and political vigour as a manly defender of British liberal values. The onset of photography had the potential to undermine this image by presenting a more accurate likeness, but ultimately served to reinforce his visual persona. Finally, chapter 7 discusses the role of political portraits and cartoons in the decade after the passing of the 1867 Representation of the People Act. In an era with a larger urban electorate and more clear

in Politics personified
Michael Robinson

War , 155; E. Barton White, ‘Abstract of a report on the mental division of the Welsh Metropolitan War Hospital, Whitchurch, Cardiff, September, 1917–September, 1919’, The British Journal of Psychiatry , 66 (1920), 441; R. Eager, ‘The record of admissions to the mental section of the Lord Derby War Hospital, Warrington, from June 17 th to June 16 th , 1917’, The British Journal of Psychiatry , 64:266 (1918), 274; Dawson, ‘The work of the Belfast War Hospital’, 222. 44

in Shell-shocked British Army veterans in Ireland, 1918–39
Open Access (free)
Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice
Charles V. Reed

times, the delegation would have some cigars and play cribbage. 35 Despite the party’s dedication to temperance (George Grey had warned them about the perils of ‘the drink’ before their departure), the Star reported that the group (except Te Wheoro) took to drinking champagne and claret cup. 36 The delegation briefed the Colonial Secretary, Lord Derby, on their intentions through a memorial submitted

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

sentences passed on offenders. Ownership While within racing owners were a relatively high-status group, they received less coverage in the sporting press than horses, jockeys and trainers. Very rich owners like Lord Derby or the Aga Khan were exceptions. When press headlines like ‘Great Day for Sir Abe Bailey’ celebrated the success of the owner rather than the horse it was usually because a human-interest story was involved.30 Ownership was more of a hobby in Britain than in most other countries. In Britain owners contributed over half the prize money of a race in

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
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Geoffrey Hicks

is preparing a biography of Derby. He has also written several articles on his subject: ‘Lord Derby and Victorian Conservatism: A Reappraisal’, Parliamentary History (hereafter PH), 6 (1987), pp. 280–301; ‘Lord Derby’, in R. W. Davis (ed.), Lords of Parliament: Studies 1714–1914 (Stanford, CA, 1995), pp. 134–62; ‘“A Host in Himself”: Lord Derby and Aristocratic Leadership’, PH, 22 (2003), pp. 75–90. 6 Derek Beales, England and Italy, 1859–60 (London, 1961). 7 See, e.g., A. J. P. Taylor, The Troublemakers: Dissent Over Foreign Policy, 1792–1939 (London, 1957), pp

in Peace, war and party politics
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Foreign affairs, domestic problems
Geoffrey Hicks

he could do business with the conservative powers. Malmesbury’s instincts were sound. Tone matters as much as substance in diplomacy, and news of Derby’s ministerial speech on 27 February had pleased the Austrian Government. His moderate language signalled a more positive approach. Whatever Buol’s irritation on minor issues, Austria took advantage of the change in personnel and party. Westmorland described the mood in Vienna: ‘The speech of Lord Derby, and the language he holds as to foreign Governments, has had the best effect here both with the Government and the

in Peace, war and party politics
‘Your country needs YOU!’
W.J. Reader

private munificence in keeping with the dominant liberal mentality of the day. At the same time, the proposal is said to have originated with the seventeenth Earl of Derby (1865-1948) - and others - so that it also had aristocratic associations equally gratifying to a society which ‘loved a lord’ and expected him to take a lead in voluntary public service. 21 Ten battalions of infantry were raised in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, eight in Manchester, four in each of Glasgow, Salford and Hull. Lord Derby raised artillery for two

in 'At duty’s call'
Geoffrey Hicks

temporary difficulties created by Disraeli, relations with France were rapidly restored after patient negotiation by Derby and Malmesbury in London, and by Cowley in Paris. Malmesbury felt that the Conservatives were better guarantors of future peace than Russell, their likely successor if they, in turn, lost power. He told Cowley, in a passage he encouraged him to share with Napoleon, that ‘if Lord Derby is allowed to remain in . . . then at all events there is a chance of not having . . . a certain war with somebody or other’.31 A polite exchange of despatches by

in Peace, war and party politics