This book examines the role of political likenesses in a half-century that was crucial for the political modernisation of Britain, a two-party system that began to take shape and politicians became increasingly accountable and responsive to public opinion. Political language, especially electoral rhetoric, has been accorded considerable weight by recent studies in building broad coalitions of political support in popular and electoral politics. The book studies political likenesses, the key mode of visual politics at this time, as part of a nuanced analysis of contemporary political culture and the nature of the representative system. It examines a diverse range of material including woven silk portraiture, oil paintings, numismatics and medals, banners, ceramics, statuary and memorials as well as items printed on paper or card. After an analysis of the visual culture spawned by the reform bills of 1831-1832, the book shows how Conservative and Liberal/Reformer identities were visualised through semi-official series of portrait prints. The pictorial press, photographs and portrait testimonials, statues and memorials, MPs were venerated as independent representatives and champions of particular localities, trades, interests or issues, and not party hacks. Depictions of Lord Palmerston and his rivals, including Lord John Russell and Lord Derby, in the 1850s and 1860s often underplayed in pictorial representations to emphasise physical and political vigour. The role of political portraits and cartoons in the decade after the passing of the 1867 Representation of the People Act is also discussed.
might be), be used. Like so much else
concerning the system, they were left to discover the ‘correct’ answer by trial
and error. From their first sittings, some offered only temporary or conditional exemptions whatever the applicant’s circumstances.55 Conversely,
other Tribunals were willing to offer absolute certificates to men whose
circumstances made their eligibility for exemption from military service
obvious on the day itself, and leave the matter of any subsequent change
in circumstances to future review. LordDerby’s urgent remonstration in
late February 1916
LordDerby, in the 1850s and 1860s. Palmerston’s age was
frequently underplayed in pictorial representations to emphasise his physical
and political vigour as a manly defender of British liberal values. The onset
of photography had the potential to undermine this image by presenting a
more accurate likeness, but ultimately served to reinforce his visual persona.
Finally, chapter 7 discusses the role of political portraits and cartoons in the
decade after the passing of the 1867 Representation of the People Act. In an
era with a larger urban electorate and more clear
War , 155; E. Barton White, ‘Abstract of a report on the mental division of the Welsh Metropolitan War Hospital, Whitchurch, Cardiff, September, 1917–September, 1919’, The British Journal of Psychiatry , 66 (1920), 441; R. Eager, ‘The record of admissions to the mental section of the LordDerby War Hospital, Warrington, from June 17 th to June 16 th , 1917’, The British Journal of Psychiatry , 64:266 (1918), 274; Dawson, ‘The work of the Belfast War Hospital’, 222.
Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice
Charles V. Reed
times, the delegation would have
some cigars and play cribbage. 35 Despite the party’s dedication to
temperance (George Grey had warned them about the perils of ‘the
drink’ before their departure), the Star reported that the
group (except Te Wheoro) took to drinking champagne and claret cup. 36
The delegation briefed the Colonial Secretary, LordDerby,
on their intentions through a memorial submitted
sentences passed on
While within racing owners were a relatively high-status group, they received
less coverage in the sporting press than horses, jockeys and trainers. Very rich
owners like LordDerby or the Aga Khan were exceptions. When press headlines
like ‘Great Day for Sir Abe Bailey’ celebrated the success of the owner rather
than the horse it was usually because a human-interest story was involved.30
Ownership was more of a hobby in Britain than in most other countries. In
Britain owners contributed over half the prize money of a race in
is preparing a biography of Derby. He has also written several articles on his subject: ‘LordDerby and Victorian Conservatism: A
Reappraisal’, Parliamentary History (hereafter PH), 6 (1987), pp.
280–301; ‘LordDerby’, in R. W. Davis (ed.), Lords of Parliament: Studies
1714–1914 (Stanford, CA, 1995), pp. 134–62; ‘“A Host in Himself”: LordDerby and Aristocratic Leadership’, PH, 22 (2003), pp. 75–90.
6 Derek Beales, England and Italy, 1859–60 (London, 1961).
7 See, e.g., A. J. P. Taylor, The Troublemakers: Dissent Over Foreign
Policy, 1792–1939 (London, 1957), pp
he could do business with the conservative powers.
Malmesbury’s instincts were sound. Tone matters as much as substance in diplomacy, and news of Derby’s ministerial speech on 27
February had pleased the Austrian Government. His moderate language
signalled a more positive approach. Whatever Buol’s irritation on minor
issues, Austria took advantage of the change in personnel and party.
Westmorland described the mood in Vienna: ‘The speech of LordDerby,
and the language he holds as to foreign Governments, has had the best
effect here both with the Government and the
private munificence in keeping with the dominant liberal mentality of the day. At the same
time, the proposal is said to have originated with the seventeenth Earl of Derby (1865-1948)
- and others - so that it also had aristocratic associations equally gratifying to a society
which ‘loved a lord’ and expected him to take a lead in voluntary public
Ten battalions of infantry were raised in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, eight in
Manchester, four in each of Glasgow, Salford and Hull. LordDerby raised artillery for two
temporary difficulties created by Disraeli, relations with France were rapidly restored after patient negotiation by
Derby and Malmesbury in London, and by Cowley in Paris.
Malmesbury felt that the Conservatives were better guarantors of
future peace than Russell, their likely successor if they, in turn, lost
power. He told Cowley, in a passage he encouraged him to share with
Napoleon, that ‘if LordDerby is allowed to remain in . . . then at all
events there is a chance of not having . . . a certain war with somebody
or other’.31 A polite exchange of despatches by