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Portraiture, caricature and visual culture in Britain, c. 1830–80
Author: Henry Miller

This book examines the role of political likenesses in a half-century that was crucial for the political modernisation of Britain, a two-party system that began to take shape and politicians became increasingly accountable and responsive to public opinion. Political language, especially electoral rhetoric, has been accorded considerable weight by recent studies in building broad coalitions of political support in popular and electoral politics. The book studies political likenesses, the key mode of visual politics at this time, as part of a nuanced analysis of contemporary political culture and the nature of the representative system. It examines a diverse range of material including woven silk portraiture, oil paintings, numismatics and medals, banners, ceramics, statuary and memorials as well as items printed on paper or card. After an analysis of the visual culture spawned by the reform bills of 1831-1832, the book shows how Conservative and Liberal/Reformer identities were visualised through semi-official series of portrait prints. The pictorial press, photographs and portrait testimonials, statues and memorials, MPs were venerated as independent representatives and champions of particular localities, trades, interests or issues, and not party hacks. Depictions of Lord Palmerston and his rivals, including Lord John Russell and Lord Derby, in the 1850s and 1860s often underplayed in pictorial representations to emphasise physical and political vigour. The role of political portraits and cartoons in the decade after the passing of the 1867 Representation of the People Act is also discussed.

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Henry Miller

highlights how loose party ties were compatible with depictions of parliamentarians as individual political actors of significant weight. The last two chapters return to a more Miller_PoliticsPersonified_Printer.indd 14 23/09/2014 11:54 Introduction 15 chronological perspective and focus on the leading politicians of the 1850 to 1880 period, when dynamic imagery became a crucial medium for projecting politicians’ character and public image to ever-larger audiences. Chapter 6 focuses on the depictions of Lord Palmerston and his rivals, including Lord John Russell and

in Politics personified
Henry Miller

negative perceptions in a visually arresting way. Palmerston, who seemed to embody patriotic, manly qualities, was regularly contrasted, implicitly or explicitly, with other statesmen in cartoons. The chapter does not examine Palmerston in isolation from his contemporaries, but breaks new ground in also critically analysing likenesses of his chief rivals. These include Lord John Russell, prime minister 1846–52, 1865–66, and Palmerston’s main competitor for the Liberal leadership in the 1850s; George Hamilton-Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen, the prime minister of the Whig

in Politics personified
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Indigenous dispossession in British history and history writing
Zoë Laidlaw

colonies. Settler self-government and the post-emancipation context The 3rd Earl Grey (earlier Viscount Howick) was greatly concerned with colonial affairs in both the Caribbean and the settler colonies. Parliamentary undersecretary at the Colonial Office during the debates over the Emancipation Act in the early 1830s, Grey was Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1846 to 1852 in Lord John Russell’s administration. It was during his tenure that the British North American colonies attained ‘responsible’ self-government, while much of the imperial legislation that

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
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The culture of free trade versus the culture of anti-slavery in Britain and the British Caribbean, 1840–50
Philip Harling

-trader Joseph Hume’s motion for sugar-duty equalisation by a ten-to-one margin. Only thirteen years later almost twice as many MPs voted for as against the Sugar Duties Bill that Lord John Russell’s Whig-Liberal ministry introduced as soon as it took office. While for many years foreign sugar had laboured under a whopping duty, by this measure all sugar, regardless of source, was scheduled to enter Britain at a

in The cultural construction of the British world
The ad hoc local governments of mid-Victorian Britain
J. A. Chandler

widely reported scandal concerning the Andover Poor Law Union, that paupers crushing bones from animal carcasses were so hungry they were eating rotten meat from the debris.20 The Whig Government under Lord John Russell which took power in 1847 restructured the Poor Law Commission the following year, in the wake of a report on the Andover case, by ensuring that the Board became a department under the control of a government minister. The new Poor Law Board was composed of a number of ministers but, like the Board of Trade, it was never intended to meet. Ad hoc local

in Explaining local government
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Editor: Gregory Vargo

The first collection of its kind, Chartist Drama makes available four plays written or performed by members of the Chartist movement of the 1840s. Emerging from the lively counter-culture of this protest campaign for democratic rights, these plays challenged cultural as well as political hierarchies by adapting such recognisable genres as melodrama, history plays, and tragedy for performance in radically new settings. A communal, public, and embodied art form, drama was linked for the Chartists with other kinds of political performance: the oratory of the mass platform, festival-like outdoor meetings, and the elaborate street theatre of protest marches. Plays that Chartists wrote or staged advanced new interpretations of British history and criticised aspects of the contemporary world. And Chartist drama intervened in fierce strategic arguments within the movement. Most notably, poet-activist John Watkins’s John Frost, which dramatises the gripping events of the Newport rising of 1839, in which twenty-two Chartists lost their lives, defends the rebellion and the Chartist recourse to violence as a means for the movement to achieve its aims. The volume’s appendices document over one hundred Chartist dramatic performances, staged by activists in local Chartist associations or at professional benefits at some of London’s largest working-class theatres. Gregory Vargo’s introduction and notes elucidate the previously unexplored world of Chartist dramatic culture, a context that promises to reshape what we know about early Victorian popular politics and theatre.

Samantha A. Shave

, Vestry Minute, 11 June 1821, SCRO PR10/​8/​1. 15 Alverstoke, Guardians’ Minute Book, ‘Report of the Committee to the Parish in Vestry at Easter, 1803’, HRO PL2/​1/​1. 16 For a summary of their Local Act, see ‘Fourth Annual Report to The Right Honourable Lord John Russell’, T.F. Lewis, J.G. Shaw Lefevre and G. Nicholls to Lord John Russell, 4 August 1838, Fourth Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners (London, 1838), pp. 18–​19. 17 Alverstoke, Guardians’ Minute Book, 19 March 1803, HRO PL2/​1/​1. 18 Alverstoke, Guardians’ Minute Book, 29 September 1818, HRO

in Pauper policies
The relations of the 3rd Earl of Rosse with scientific institutions in Britain and Ireland
Simon Schaffer

influence. These issues were most pressing in debates about direct government support for the sciences. In late 1849, just as Parsons took office, an entirely unprecedented source of state funding for original scientific inquiry was offered to the Society by the Prime Minister, Lord John Russell, through a grant of £1,000. The grant was a public sign of the Society’s authority and a striking example of the role of intimate influence in science policy. Russell made a private offer to Parsons in a letter read at the Society’s Council. The President, who wanted to make the

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
Miles Taylor

. Eastwick suggested in a paper delivered to the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science that the three Presidential cities of India should send two MPs each, elected by a constituency in each city of 12,000 Indians and 8,000 211 MILES TAYLOR Europeans.34 Intriguingly, when Lord John Russell returned to considering a moderate programme of parliamentary reform in 1848, colonial seats were part of his deliberations, and other leading politicians at mid-century as well as several mainstream reviews gave the idea some support.35 However, the bulk of

in Parliaments, nations and identities in Britain and Ireland, 1660–1850