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This book assesses the English national war effort during the Anglo-Spanish war (1585–1603), examining wartime government in a wide-ranging set of contexts. It looks first at political problems: the structure of the wartime state, popular attitudes to the war and the government’s efforts to influence them, resistance to demands, and the problems of governing a country divided in religion and a regime deeply fearful of the future. It then assesses the machinery in practice, looking at the work of the central regime under the Queen herself alongside the local government machinery of lord lieutenancies which carried the demands of the centre into the counties, towns and parishes of England. These mechanisms of rule were crucial to the success of the war effort, by providing troops to fight overseas, running the militia which defended against the Spanish Armada (1588) and other invasion attempts and paying for them both through local taxes. The book draws evidence and case studies from across the country and from politics and government at all levels, from the court and Privy Council to the counties and parishes, but it seeks to examine England as a single polity. In this way it ranges much more widely than the war alone and provides a new assessment of the effectiveness of the Elizabethan state as a whole. It challenges many existing assumptions about the weakness of the state in the face of military change, finding a political system in much better health than has previously been thought.

Elaine Farrell

the lord lieutenant’s decision to commute capital punishments, the reality of the commuted sentences and the factors that affected the release of women convicted of infant murder from prison. The authorities considered the early release of a prisoner when she submitted a written petition for her discharge as well as when memorials were received from family members, friends and employers. Changing penal practices also impacted on the discharge of women convicted of infant murder from prison. Significant developments in the latter half of the nineteenth century

in ‘A most diabolical deed’
The machinery of the Elizabethan war effort in the counties
Neil Younger

, functional problem, and seen the lord lieutenancy, on which much of this book focuses, as a response to it. There is no doubt that this was a major problem. The context of the Elizabethan state’s war-making was such that local elites were crucial to success. National defence was dependent on the militia, which was run by local nobility and gentry. Troops for service overseas were raised by the same men, and the local taxes to pay for these functions were rated, levied and spent by them. Nothing could be achieved without the cooperation of the county elites. Furthermore

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
The marquess of Ormond, Archbishop Ussher and the appointment of Irish bishops, 1643–47
Patrick Little

22  December 1643 the king instructed Ormond, as the newly appointed lord lieutenant, to place him at Clonfert, ‘waiving our former choice of him to the bishopric of Kilmore, which we have otherwise disposed’.14 This order was fulfilled at Oxford on 2 May 1644, when Baillie was consecrated bishop of Clonfert by three Church of Ireland bishops: Ussher and two native Scots, John Maxwell of Killala and Henry Leslie of Down and Connor.15 The involvement of the three prelates may seem unremarkable, as they were all in attendance at the royal court, but it is interesting

in Ireland in crisis
Malcolm Chase

combination of economic power, patronage and a near-monopoly of national political processes. The fulcrum of this arrangement was the office of Lord Lieutenant of the County, an important vector of communication between central government and their region, with responsibilities for the militia, maintaining law and order in any extraordinary circumstances, and for recommending candidates to be appointed Justices of the Peace. The latter were Crown appointments made from the principal landowners of the county. They occupied a pivotal position in society: they could dispense

in 1820
Neil Younger

sheriff and JPs of each county, requiring obedience to him as the Queen’s 65 War and politics in the Elizabethan counties representative.45 Cascading down the hierarchy of authority, the deputations issued from lord lieutenants to their deputies, as well as the council letters containing particular orders, performed similar functions in providing royal or council legitimation to lesser office-holders.46 A proper warrant was always sought after by local officials, aware of the difficulties they would encounter with the wider population without one.47 The importance of

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
Abstract only
Lieutenancy finance
Neil Younger

of lieutenancy or muster. Although ancient duties of personal military service were gradually being replaced by monetary payments, the legal position had not kept pace with the practice. Following its usual practice of blithely ignoring legal or constitutional inconveniences, the council never tackled this, but there was uncertainly in some quarters. Even lord lieutenants might be unsure: Lord Chandos, for example, wrote in 1588 to ask for the council’s ‘aucthorytie for the levyinge of more money’ to purchase gunpowder, ‘for otherwyse I dare not attempt to do yt

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
Troop levies from the counties
Neil Younger

administrative competence, most of the time the council was an effective high command, and its instructions were 164 Fighting Elizabeth’s wars: Troop levies almost always clear.11 When it was not, confusion and expense arose, as in 1589, when the council failed to specify whether 1,000 men to be raised in Sussex did or did not include the customary deduction of 10 per cent, the so-called ‘dead pays’. The lord lieutenant, Buckhurst, assumed that the council wanted 1,000 men, whereas it had intended 10 per cent dead pays, and thus only 900 men.12 Uncertainties and confusions

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
The militia and invasion threats
Neil Younger

before the lord lieutenant, mayor and corporation; the untrained 200 were viewed by the mayor on 23 April, for faults in their armour; on 25 April, there was ‘a view of the defaults of armour in the cyttie’, and there was further training on 6 May.34 Thus, after the initial response, it seems that further activity was 108 Defending the Protestant state: The militia stimulated only by the approaching threat in 1588. A similar pattern is evident in Lambeth, in Surrey. Again, there was an initial response when the trained bands were set up in 1584, with two training

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
American foreign policy and Irish nationalism, 1865–70
Bernadette Whelan

this uneasy background that in August 1865, O’Mahony ordered his officers to Ireland and a military intervention was planned for October.4 Even before they left, many were under surveillance which continued after arrival when several were arrested and more were harassed by Irish Constabulary detectives. Two categories of prisoner emerged: those interned on the Lord Lieutenant’s warrant during the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act (1679) and those against whom there was sufficient evidence for a trial.5 In both cases, the Americans turned to their consul for

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913