Slovenia. Second, coverage will spotlight the three states that have not
yet become part of either alliance, The three states that will receive
attention at that point are thus Bosnia-Herezegovina, Kosovo, and
Serbia. In both sections, alliance theory is a useful way of evaluating
both the predicaments and possibilities of all seven states that receive
attention in the chapter
on the cusp of
creating fake videos from scratch that are indistinguishable from real footage. One writer in
Atlantic Magazine has gone as far as arguing that ‘manipulated video
will ultimately destroy faith in our strongest remaining tether to the idea of a common
reality’ ( Foer, 2018 ).
Who Is Making Disinformation about Humanitarian Crises?
The creators of disinformation are motivated by multiple factors. Some seek financial gain,
such as the teenagers in Macedonia who famously produced false news stories in the lead up
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
This book is a theoretical and ethnographic study of the shifting border between the Republic of North Macedonia and Greece. The central argument is that political borders between states not only restrict or regulate the movement of people and things but are also always porous and permeable, exceeding state governmentality. To support this argument the book draws on scholarship from geology that describes and classifies different kinds of rock porosity. Just as seemingly solid rock is often laden with pores that allow the passage of liquids and gases, so too are ostensibly impenetrable borders laden with forms and infrastructures of passage. This metaphor is theoretically powerful, as it facilitates the idea of border porosities through a varied set of case studies centered on the Greek–Macedonian border. The case studies include: the history of railways in the region, border-town beauty tourism, child refugees during the Greek Civil War, transnational mining corporations and environmental activism, and, finally, a massive, highly politicized urban renewal project. Using interdisciplinary frameworks combining anthropology, history, philosophy, and geology, the book analyzes permeations triggered by the border and its porous nature that underline the empirical, political, and philosophical processes with all their emancipatory or restrictive effects.
Northern Ireland is no longer the relentless headline-maker in the global media it once was, when multiple killings and bombings provided a daily diet of depressing news and images. This book commences with a review of the literature on essentialism and then in the three domains: what has come to be known as 'identity politics'; the nature of nationalism; and power-sharing models for divided societies. It draws out implications for key aspects of the Northern Ireland problem. The book is based on secondary sources on Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H). A key resource is the independent journalistic network in the Balkans responsible for the production of Balkan Insight, successor to the Balkan Crisis Report, a regular e-mail newsletter. The book explores how policy-makers in London and Dublin, unenlightened by the benefit of hindsight, grappled with the unfamiliar crisis that exploded in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. It shows that a taken-for-granted communalism has had very negative effects on societies recently driven by ethnic conflict. The book argues that conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland can only be adequately understood within a broader and more complex philosophical frame, freed of the appealing simplifications of essentialism. More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. Unionism and nationalism may be antagonistic but as individual affiliations 'Britishness' and 'Irishness', still less Protestantism and Catholicism, need not be antagonistic.
Materialities of displacement:
borders in contemporary Macedonia
The 246 km long border between the Republic of Macedonia (hereinafter
Macedonia) and Greece sets off at Lake Prespa, crosses the fertile Pelagonia valley,
runs across the steep mountainous wedges of the Nidze and Kozuf mountains, cuts
short the valley of the river Vardar, and ends north of the Dojran Lake in eastern
Macedonia (see Figure 8.1). The two countries are connected by three border
crossings: Medzitlija-Niki near the towns of Bitola-Florina, Bogorodica-Evzoni
. Since 2012 and the law that allows non-EU citizens to purchase property in Greece, property owners from RN Macedonia have been forming enduring relationships with their Greek neighbors, due to their spatial proximity as next-door neighbors and their regular visits.
The child refugees who left their villages in Greek Macedonia in 1948, fleeing the Greek Civil War, have also formed enduring connections and alliances with each other and activists or politicians in their homeland, becoming one of the most influential voices of Macedonian national unity