The Gendered Politics of Publication of Mary Fletcher’s Auto/Biography
This article focuses on the representation of Methodist preacher Mary Bosanquet Fletcher (1739–1815) in her biography by the Revd Henry Moore. His omissions and commentary served to neutralise some of her more radical ideas and early feminism, which can be discovered by reading her manuscript journals, as well as the manuscript correspondence between Mary Tooth, keeper of Mary Fletcher’s papers, and Henry Moore. The product of archival research in the Methodist collections at the John Rylands Library in Manchester, this article owes a great debt to archivists Dr Peter Nockles and Dr Gareth Lloyd.
Methodist hagiography. Amongst
early models of Methodist sanctity put into print, few were called upon by Methodist
historians and hagiographers more than John and Mary Fletcher.
John William Fletcher (1729–85) was a francophone Protestant Swiss émigré who
settled in England (c. 1749), experienced evangelical conversion under the ministries
of John and Charles Wesley (c. 1754), and was subsequently ordained in the Church of
England (1757). In 1760 he was inducted as Vicar of Madeley, an industrialising parish
in East Shropshire, where he served until his untimely death in
there were some identifiable outward movements, notably of young women who migrated temporarily
or permanently to work in London gardens or into domestic service. Even so,
they were more likely to take work nearer home – plenty were employed from
a very young age picking ironstone at the pit head.1
In the midst of these reciprocating movements there had been an ongoing
expansion of total population numbers, complicating the story of the supply
and demand for new labour. In Madeley parish, for instance, the population
had expanded from 2,690 in 1782 to 4,758 in 1801
Fifty years ago Enoch Powell made national headlines with his 'Rivers of Blood' speech, warning of an immigrant invasion in the once respectable streets of Wolverhampton. This local fixation brought the Black Country town into the national spotlight, yet Powell's unstable relationship with Wolverhampton has since been overlooked. Drawing from oral history and archival material, this book offers a rich local history through which to investigate the speech, bringing to life the racialised dynamics of space during a critical moment in British history. What was going on beneath the surface in Wolverhampton and how did Powell's constituents respond to this dramatic moment? The research traces the ways in which Powell's words reinvented the town and uncovers highly contested local responses. While Powell left Wolverhampton in 1974, the book returns to the city to explore the collective memories of the speech that continue to reverberate. In a contemporary period of new crisis and division, examining the shadow of Powell allows us to reflect on racism and resistance from 1968 to the present day.
10 per cent the
same year. However, the prospect of electing three MPs in 2001 and holding
the balance of power in the Storting did not materialise (Madeley 2002) and,
despite running candidates in every constituency, at the 2005 general election
(including those without a coastline!), the Coastal Party went empty-handed.
As the cases of the Citizens’ Party, Young Finns and Coastal Party demonstrate, there has been a relatively high mortality rate among the ‘post-1970’
parties. Many of the splinter parties in particular proved short-lived. Thus, the
Françoise Botte, wrote in 1980 that unemployment and underemployment, lack
of understanding of money, low educational achievement, and housing problems
had led to alcoholism, gambling, prostitution, and stealing (Botte 1980: 43–49).
A 1981 report by Hervé Sylva likewise concluded that the main problems for
Chagos islanders were poor housing and unemployment, and that poverty had
given rise to problems such as alcoholism, gambling, and crime (Sylva 1981). In
a 1985 report for the Minority Rights Group, the investigative journalist John
women started a three-week hunger
strike and protestors distributed flyers reading: ‘Give us a house; if not, return
us to our country, Diego’ (Le Mauricien 1978). Four Chagos islanders were later
jailed for resisting the police when Mauritian authorities tore down their accommodation (Madeley 1985: 7). These protests yielded few concrete results but they
did add to mounting awareness of the Chagos islanders’ plight and mobilised
political support from a new left-wing political party, the Mauritian Militant
Movement (MMM), which had been formed in 1969.
In 1979 the
strains of low-church revivalism – groups like the
Laestadians in northern Finland and Sweden, the Haugians in Norway and
the Grundtvigians in Denmark – created a picture of considerable pietistic
pluralism within the confines of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century and religious differences within the revivalist camp were to a degree party politicised (Madeley 1977). But the main point
is that numerically significant religious parties did not form part of the basic
Scandinavian party system model as it had emerged by 1930. A
causes an increase of 0.7 per cent in public expenditure (Madeley 1999).
A related economic pressure arose from the fact that Swedish unemployment benefits are comparatively high as a proportion of GDP (Einhorn and
Logue 2003: 161). Thus, as unemployment rises the fiscal pressures are
even greater than in other countries. Official unemployment rose from just
1.7 per cent in 1990 to eight per cent in 1994 (Swedish Institute 2004).
Huber and Stephens (1998) note that despite improved export figures in
1994, ‘the high unemployment and thus pressure to cut
, tristes, and mizer: sorrow, sadness, and impoverishment. Social scientists, human rights researchers, government officials, and journalists have
documented how the islanders were marginalised and impoverished by their
forced displacement, suffering an array of economic, social, cultural, physical,
and psychological harms (Anyangwe 2001; Botte 1980; Dræbel 1997; Madeley
1985; Prosser 1976; Sylva 1981; Vine 2006). Displaced islanders lost their land,
houses, and other property; their jobs; their access to shared resources such as
fish and seafood