La vida de Madrid
Muchas cosas me admiran en este mundo: esto prueba que mi alma
debe pertenecer a la clase vulgar, al justo medio de las almas; sólo a
las muy superiores, o a las muy estúpidas, les es dado no admirarse
de nada. Para aquéllas no hay cosa que valga algo; para éstas, no
hay cosa que valga nada. Colocada la mía a igual distancia de las
unas y de las otras, confieso que vivo todo de admiración, y estoy
tanto más distante de ellas cuanto menos concibo que se pueda
vivir sin admirar. Cuando en un día de esos en que un insomnio
prolongado o un
In order to appreciate Madrid’s cultural renaissance in the early 1980s, it is first necessary to understand how and why it lagged behind the Catalan capital in the aftermath of Franco’s death despite, or perhaps even because of, the fact that, in Joan Ramón Resina’s diagnosis, ‘Barcelona was structurally unhinged, architecturally disgraced, socially torn apart, and cultural split.’ 1 According to Federico Jiménez Losantos: ‘At the beginning of the 1970s, thousands and thousands of young people from all over Spain came to Barcelona in search of
Managing the news during Prince Charles’s
trip to Madrid, 1623
harles’s and Buckingham’s trip to Spain in 1623 has been much studied.
Historians have tried to understand what motivated the Prince and
Duke to travel to Madrid and why the negotiations they conducted there for a
Spanish match ultimately broke down.1 While contributing to debates about
the rationale for the trip and the reasons for its failure, the primary aim of
this chapter is to use these events as a case study of the management of information. James’s efforts to
The transition to democracy that followed the death of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 was once hailed as a model of political transformation. But since the 2008 financial crisis it has come under intense scrutiny. Today, a growing divide exists between advocates of the Transition and those who see it as the source of Spain’s current socio-political bankruptcy. This book revisits the crucial period from 1962 to 1992, exposing the networks of art, media and power that drove the Transition and continue to underpin Spanish politics in the present. Drawing on rare archival materials and over 300 interviews with politicians, artists, journalists and ordinary Spaniards, including former Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez (1982–96), Following Franco unlocks the complex and often contradictory narratives surrounding the foundation of contemporary Spain.
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of
exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered
that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime:
the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was
begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time
the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the
Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create
a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the
remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
Immigration is relatively new in Spain, and hence government policies are struggling to manage the diversity it entails. This book examines the social conditions and political questions surrounding Spanish diversity, and gives a comprehensive view on how Spain is orienting its diversity management following a practical approach. It also examines specific immigrant nationalities, current institutional practices and normative challenges on how Spain is managing diversity. The mosque debate and the effects of the Danish Cartoon Affair on the traditional moros and cristianos festivals are explored. The book addresses the context of educational challenges related to immigration, and the policy approaches to the management of immigration-related diversity in education. It discusses policies and practices to combat discrimination in the labour market, with special reference to the transposition and implementation of the EU anti-discrimination directives. The book looks at political participation and representation of immigrants by describing the public debate on voting rights, the legal framework and the various debates about the possibilities for granting immigrants voting rights. This is done through an analysis of the Foro para la Integracion de los Inmigrantes (FII), and the main characteristics of the management of immigrant associations by the City Councils of Madrid and Barcelona. The book concludes that Spain is a laboratory for diversities, with a 'practical philosophy' of diversity management within a complex identitarian, historical and structural context that limits policy innovation and institutional change.
Following the loss of Spanish colonies in 1898, economic prowess and a consolidated bourgeoisie served to convince many Catalans they were being held back by an ineffectual centralist bureaucracy. Barcelona’s mercantile trade ensured the city had a class structure and social hierarchies often more legible, although not necessarily familiar, to non-Spaniards than Madrid. As registered in Homage to Catalonia , George Orwell was overcome by his initial impressions: it ‘was the first time that I had ever been in a town where the working class was
Asfalto: violence à trois
Just as Marrubi abandoned the armed struggle for Basque nationalism in A ciegas, so Calparsoro himself left behind a decaying Basque
landscape for new settings: central Madrid in Asfalto and its suburbs
in Ausentes, and the countryside of Kosovo for Guerreros. For his next
two films he also diluted the emphasis on a central female protagonist
in preference to a more ensemble cast (though the emphasis on the
female protagonist would return with Julia in Ausentes). Nonetheless
the change in approach with Asfalto, the film immediately
In the manner of the proverbial hare and tortoise, Barcelona was slow to harness the potential of the post-Franco explosion of creativity, but eventually overtook Madrid in the race to become the cultural capital of Spain. The catalyst for this transformation was hosting the Olympic Games, which, initially at least, appeared to constitute a more sustainable cultural revolution than the Movida for four interrelated reasons: (1) the understanding of heroin addiction as a social problem rather than collateral damage; (2) a greater collaboration
concerned is a Spanish citizen. In the third part, we look at the positions
of the political parties and social actors with respect to these divisions.
The third section looks at Spain’s main institutional consultative
body, the Foro para la Integración de los Inmigrantes (Forum for the
Integration of Immigrants). We then present the main characteristics for
further comparative research based on two different local approaches
to the management of immigrant associations: the cases of Madrid and
Barcelona in a comparative perspective. The final section concludes.