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Poststructuralism and radical politics
Author: Saul Newman

How do we think about radical politics today, in the wake of the collapse of Marxist-Leninism and the triumph of neo-liberal capitalism? How should radical political theory respond to new challenges posed by globalisation, postmodernity, the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of religious fundamentalism? How are we to take account of the new social movements and political struggles appearing on the global horizon? In addressing these questions, this book explores the theme of universality and its place in radical political theory. It argues that both Marxist politics of class struggle and the postmodern politics of difference have reached their historical and political limits, and that what is needed is a new approach to universality, a new way of thinking about collective politics. By exploring various themes and ideas within poststructuralist and post-Marxist theory, the book develops a new approach to universality — one that has implications for politics today, particularly on questions of power, subjectivity, ethics and democracy. In so doing, it engages in debates with thinkers such as Laclau, Žižek, Badiou and Rancière over the future of radical politics. The book also applies theoretical insights to contemporary events such as the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement, the ‘war on terrorism’, the rise of anti-immigrant racism and the nihilistic violence that lurks at the margins of the political.

Abstract only
Lucy Robinson

the decline of the conventional Left offered particular new possibilities for gay political organisation. But more than that, the relationship between class and identity politics also brings social and political change in post-war Britain into clearer focus, allowing us to trace changes in both political culture and the politics of culture. Setting parameters and blurring divisions Across the various forms of the Left under discussion here– both revisionist and traditional Labour, Stalinism, Marxist/Leninism and Trotskyism, a shared assumption exists; that there is

in Gay men and the Left in post-war Britain
Karl Marx, Evald Ilyenkov, and the dialectics of the twenty-first century
Aleksander Buzgalin and Andrey Kolganov

forgotten almost completely, even by Marxists. Lenin was clear that ‘Imperialism is a specific historical stage of capitalism. Its specific character is threefold: imperialism is (1) monopoly capitalism; (2) parasitic, or decaying capitalism; and (3) moribund capitalism’ (Lenin 1916/1964a : 105). Moreover, Imperialism emerged as the development and direct continuation of the fundamental characteristics of capitalism in general. But capitalism only became capitalist

in Twenty-first-century capital
EP Thompson and Louis Althusser
Scott Hamilton

and Bachelard. The goal of this rereading is the establishment of a ‘scientific antihumanist Marxist-Leninism’ which can be turned into political practice by a disciplined vanguard party of the working class. Without the reconstruction of Marxist philosophy, the vanguard party could not do its work, and without the vanguard party the working class could not grow stronger, let alone take power. Thompson shared Althusser’s antipathy to the economism of Stalinism and the teleology of Hegel, but he tended to associate both errors with the very scientism and vanguardism

in The crisis of theory
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Ian Aitken

impenetrable [until] the final catastrophe – which often occurs suddenly and without connection to what went before … (Lukács, 1993 : 26–7) In the case of ‘Healthy or Sick Art?’, the ‘right side’ is of course Marxist-Leninism. However, Lukács’ comments in ‘The

in Lukácsian film theory and cinema
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Fostering correct habits, good behaviour and right ways of living
Thomas Linehan

for the future to provide an opportunity for us.’27 Marxist-Leninism’s ‘aversion to and denial of the emotional’, as McCarthy saw it, came as a profound shock to her. ‘Personal matters, to the Party, were weak, frivolous and superficial’, she concluded, while the sensuous and the amorous were always deemed secondary to the class struggle and communist political goals.28 The extent to which the members adhered to the Party’s code on love, sex and marriage, however, is a matter of contention. While Margaret McCarthy rejected the charge levelled at it by its opponents

in Communism in Britain 1920–39
Anthony Amatrudo

about the nature of crime. The production process was necessarily conservative. Therefore, although the society was different, there is evidence of a general tendency to what might be termed ‘conservative production values’. She showed how whether extolling the virtues of economic liberalism, or of Marxist-​Leninism, the same tendency to show the police, and the criminal justice system in general, in terms of an ideal type was present. Beneath the flattering depiction of the police, there was always a profoundly positive understanding of the ‘image of state and

in Law in popular belief
Imogen Richards

In Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism , AQ and IS’s propaganda and finance are analysed through a lens of Bourdieusian theory and with reference to a neo-Marxist interpretation of neoliberalism. Ideological and philosophical tenets of Marxist-Leninism are relevant to the historical dimension of this book’s investigation, including the evolution of neo-jihadism since the formation of AQ in 1988, at the close of the Cold War (Burke 2004). Marxist theory has long been the dominant epistemological critique of capitalism, and neo-Marxist ideas are a foundational

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
The ‘Gorbachev factor’ and the collapse of the German Democratic Republic
Peter Grieder

showing East Germans that emancipation from the USSR would be tolerated. Needless to say, Honecker remained implacably opposed to Gorbachev’s policies. In May 1989 he met Gustáv Husák, President of the neighbouring Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. If supporting ‘Marxist-Leninism’ and ‘Internationalism’ was ‘conservative’, Husák avowed, then the GDR and Czechoslovakia were members of the ‘conservative camp’. Honecker ‘agreed completely’, describing the label ‘conservative’ as ‘an absolute honour’. Both their parties, he affirmed, were ‘solving problems from Marxist

in The 1989 Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe
Iain R. Smith

in his own lifetime by an extraordinary range of liberals, socialists and Marxists and its influence on those writing about imperialism can be detected right down to the present day. 23 Hobson was never a MarxistLenin accurately described his as ‘a social liberal’ – but his work has drawn a considerable body of writing in its wake which has been influenced by

in The South African War reappraised