This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.
In a letter written to Pope Hadrian II in the autumn of 871, Hincmar defended
the canonical procedure he had followed in the case of a delinquent priest
called Trising. The latter had been accused of violence and sexual
transgression, and failed to appear as summoned by Hincmar at various
synods. Instead, he went to Rome and came back after two years with a papal
letter that ordered Hincmar to explain himself. Meanwhile, the archbishop of
Rheims had already ordained a new priest in Trising’s place. Although all we
have is Hincmar’s side of the matter, social historians have been fascinated
by this case, for the light it sheds on the relation between rural parishes
and their archbishop in the diocese of Rheims. This chapter approaches the
text from a different perspective. Trising’s immediate and successful appeal
to Rome may well indicate that the ideas contained in Pseudo-Isidore’
forgeries not only bolstered the position of bishops, but also the
self-confidence of enterprising local priests. This included an increasing
orientation towards papal Rome as a source of truly canonical and therefore
This book presents a new and accessible translation of a well-known yet enigmatic text: the ‘Epitaph for Arsenius’ by the monk and scholar Paschasius Radbertus (Radbert) of Corbie. This monastic dialogue, with the author in the role of narrator, plunges the reader directly into the turmoil of ninth-century religion and politics. ‘Arsenius’ was the nickname of Wala, a member of the Carolingian family who in the 830s became involved in the rebellions against Louis the Pious. Exiled from the court, Wala/Arsenius died Italy in 836. Casting both Wala and himself in the role of the prophet Jeremiah, Radbert chose the medium of the epitaph (funeral oration) to deliver a polemical attack, not just on Wala’s enemies, but also on his own.
This chapter focuses on the biographical, political and literary aspects of the Epitaphium Arsenii. It introduces the author, Paschasius Radbertus, who was a monk of Corbie and later its abbot, and his subject, Abbot Wala of Corbie (d. 836), who was Charlemagne’s controversial cousin. It explains the different political context in which the two books of this work originated. Whereas the first book was probably composed while the Emperor Louis the Pious was still alive, the second followed only in the mid-850s, when Louis’ son Charles the Bald ruled the West-Frankish kingdom. The changed perspective of the second book and the author’s polemical stance stand in contrast to the more reticent first book, which makes this such an interesting text. Furthermore, this introduction also explicates this funeral oration for Wala as a literary work, and comments on the author’s Latin and his use of classical and patristic sources.
The first book of the Epitaphium covers the period from Wala’s youth at Charlemagne’s court until the years 822–5 when the great man, by then known as ‘Arsenius’, served as deputy to Louis’ son Lothar, who was king of Italy and was crowned emperor in Rome in 823. In 814 Wala, banished from Louis’ court, had retreated to Corbie, yet in 821 he and his half-brother Adalhard, abbot of Corbie, had been reconciled with the Emperor Louis. About all this, the first book is almost entirely silent. The main theme of a lively dialogue among three monks, with some additional interlocutors, is the deep grief about Wala’s recent death. We get brief hints to all this political trouble, but most of this is obfuscated by deft literary tactics, in which citations from Terence play a central part. The first book is a masterpiece of allusion, and also gives an indication of the intended audience: not just the monks of Corbie, but also a literate Carolingian leadership impressed by Radbert’s brilliance, and perhaps persuaded to look differently at Wala/Arsenius, who had died in 836 in Italy. Shortly thereafter Radbert embarked on this first book.
The second book runs from the political crisis of the winter of 828/9 to Wala’s death in August 836, but was written with emphatic hindsight. The general drift of the narrative is backward-looking: if the rulers had heeded Wala’s advice in the early 830s, the empire would not lie in ruins in the 850s. Radbert had been abbot of Corbie since 843/4. About seven years later he was forced to retire from this illustrious office. The ex-abbot added a polemical second book to his funeral oration to Wala, in which he attacked Wala’s main enemies: the Empress Judith (Justina), the chamberlain Bernard (Naso) and, to a lesser extent, Emperor Louis the Pious (Justinian). The second book is set in an imaginary late antique Christian empire, and reflects deeply on the lost unity of the Carolingian polity. It is a treasure trove of political terminology, which was derived from classical and patristic writing but imbued with new meaning in the turbulent mid-ninth century.
religion in early medieval society in general and
M. de Jong, ‘Rethinking early medieval Christianity: a view from the Netherlands’,
in The Bible and Politics in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. de Jong, EME 7, special
issue (1998), 261–76, p. 261.
R. McKitterick, Charlemagne. The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge,
2008), p. 306.
J. Bennet and W. Hollister, Medieval History. A Short History (Boston, MA etc.,
2006), p. 111.
particularly for the world of the Franks is of course MaykedeJong. The title of
her study of the reign
The making and unmaking of an early medieval relic
Julia M. H. Smith
, legitimised his coup in 751? I shall
demonstrate that the sandals of Christ turn out to be associated with one of
the Carolingian dynasty’s first steps towards building the divinely established
ecclesia whose nature MaykedeJong has done so much to elucidate, and I shall
follow her example in bringing scriptural exegesis to bear on questions of
Carolingian political culture.2 Doing so will reveal the unstable interrelation
See www.basilika-pruem.de/rundgang/basilika_rundgang.php (click on Punkt 7, in
the north-east corner of the choir) (accessed 7 June 2014).
The Penance of Attigny (822) and the
leadership of the bishops in amending
Penance is a main topic in Louis the Pious’s reign, as MaykedeJong’s book
on the crisis of the late 820s and early 830s brilliantly shows.1 The most dramatic moment is the emperor’s deposition in 833, which led to vivid discussion among the political elite.2 This was not the first time Louis publicly
acknowledged his errors, since he had already done so in 822 at Attigny,
one of the most important palaces, which was associated with political
abbey of Monte Cassino in the same undergraduate handbooks, and its role in the
Benedictine mission appears to have been played out at least for the Carolingian
The current essay examines the context of Monte Cassino’s fading into the
background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were
at play. What MaykedeJong has emphasised in her publications and teaching
is that a too sharply defined distinction of political and religious concerns and
ambitions misses the mark for our period. Spiritual concerns had