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Power, mobility, and the state

How does migration feature in states’ diplomatic agendas across the Middle East? Until recently, popular wisdom often held that migration is an important socio-economic, rather than political, phenomenon. Migration diplomacy in the Middle East counters this expectation by providing the first systematic examination of the foreign policy importance of migrants, refugees, and diasporas in the Global South. Gerasimos Tsourapas examines how emigration-related processes become embedded in governmental practices of establishing and maintaining power; how states engage with migrant and diasporic communities residing in the West; how oil-rich Arab monarchies have extended their support for a number of sending states’ ruling regimes via cooperation on labour migration; and, finally, how labour and forced migrants may serve as instruments of political leverage. Drawing on multi-sited fieldwork and data collection and employing a range of case studies across the Middle East and North Africa, Tsourapas enhances existing understandings of regional migration governance in the Global South. The book identifies how the management of cross-border mobility in the Middle East is not primarily dictated by legal, moral, or human rights considerations but driven by states’ actors key concern – political power. Offering key insights into the history and current migration policy dilemmas, the book will provide both novices and specialists with fresh insights on migration into, out of, and across the modern Middle East.

Eve Hepburn

This chapter explores why European integration was linked to hopes for economic modernisation in Sardinia, but failed to have any resonance as a political opportunity structure for pursuing self-determination. Demands for self-determination were only loosely linked to processes of integration and regionalisation in Europe. Instead, the primary concern was breaking Sardinia's dependence on Roman patronage, becoming economically self-sufficient, and seeking to exercise Sardinian autonomy in a Mediterranean political framework, where Sardinia could act as a ‘bridge’ between Europe and Northern Africa. This option was much more attractive than trying to increase Sardinia's influence in the distant political and economic centres of Europe.

in Using Europe
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.


Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Mobilising a fragmented diaspora and the limits of diaspora diplomacy
Ayca Arkilic

Politics 16:2 (2011), 293–308; G. Yılmaz, ‘It is pull-and-push that matters for external Europeanisation! Explaining minority policy change in Turkey’, Mediterranean Politics 19:2 (2014), 238–58. 8 M. Çınar, ‘The electoral success of the AKP: Cause for hope and despair’, Insight

in Diaspora diplomacy
Luca Raineri
Francesco Strazzari

more structural issues and longer term impacts of border protection, though, may be self-defeating and unsustainable as critics pointed out ( Lebovich, 2018 ). Concluding observations With the reshuffling of the Mediterranean politics that followed the Arab Springs, the rapid surge of mixed migratory flows to Europe has tested the coping capacity of the EU and its member states

in The EU and crisis response
Abstract only
Lucia Ardovini

Lucia Ardovini, Simon Mabon, ‘Egypt's unbreakable curse: tracing the state of exception from Mubarak to Al Sisi’, Mediterranean Politics , 25:4 (2020), 456–475. 8 Julia Elyachar, ‘History and anthropology upending infrastructure: Tamarod, resistance, and agency after the January 25th revolution in Egypt’, History and Anthropology , 25:4 (2014), 452

in Surviving repression
Roderick Pace

Arab countries and the West’, Mediterranean Politics , 9:1 (Spring 2004), p. 87. 39 Ulla Holm, ‘Algeria: France’s untenable engagement’, Mediterranean Politics , 3:2 (Autumn 1998), pp. 104–14. 40 The US concluded free trade agreements with

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Abstract only
German scholarship on the Middle East since the nineteenth century
Sonja Hegasy
Stephan Stetter
, and
René Wildangel

epistemology ’, in M. Jürgensmeyer , S. Sassen and M. Steger (eds) , The Oxford Handbook of Global Studies ( Oxford : Oxford University Press ). Bank , A. and J. Busse ( 2021 ) ‘ MENA political science research a decade after the Arab uprisings: facing the facts on tremulous grounds ’, Mediterranean Politics , 26 : 5 , 539–62 . BBC ( 2015 ) ‘ Netanyahu Holocaust remarks: Israeli PM criticised ’, BBC , 21 October, available at

in Knowledge production in higher education
Seán Ó Riain

significant differences between the different types, with the liberal economies of the UK and Ireland having by far the lowest levels of employment protection. Christian democratic and social democratic countries of the classic European model have substantial levels of employment protection, and the highest levels of employment protection are found in the Mediterranean political economies. The 1990s through to the early 2000s was a period of significant liberalisation and deregulation of employment protection, with declining employment protection in social democracies and

in Are the Irish different?