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Renaissance city of literature

From its Nobel laureates to its literary festivals, modern-day Dublin lives up to its role as a literary capital. The question of whether Ireland experienced a cultural and literary Renaissance has received increasing scholarly attention in recent years. This book extends the discussion by engaging with the specific literary culture of its capital city. It begins with an argument for the internationalised literary culture of late medieval Dublin by an analysis of James Yonge's 'Memoriale'. The citizens of Dublin engaged with and actively read texts imported from London, as Dublin's own printing was limited. The book presents case studies that establish Dublin as an emerging city of Renaissance literature by focusing on Edmund Spenser's political and social connections and by examining the literature of complaint emanating from late Elizabethan Dublin. It analyses the constructed authorial personae of Richard Bellings, James Shirley and Henry Burnell residing in Dublin, and discusses the concepts of literary friendship. Sir James Ware's scholarly achievements are analysed and his extensive intellectual community are investigated, revealing an open-minded Dublin community. In addition to being a representative Renaissance activity, translation was harnessed in the country as an 'instrument of state', as shown by translations of Gaelic poetry. The Renaissance literary production in Dublin had a multi-linguistic character with Latin orations taking place in the Trinity College Dublin. The book also addresses the question of whether the English-language drama composed and staged in Restoration Dublin is most accurately described as Anglo-Irish drama or 'English drama written in Ireland'.

The role of Dublin in James Yonge’s Memoriale (1412)
Theresa O’Byrne

1 Centre or periphery? The role of Dublin in James Yonge’s Memoriale (1412) Theresa O’Byrne In the late summer of 1411, the Hungarian knight Laurence Rathold of Pászthó and Tar arrived in Dublin with his retinue. Setting foot on Dublin’s busy quayside, Rathold reached a significant milestone on a journey that had begun for him in the early months of 1409. The Hungarian was a pilgrim, one of many who sought out the shrine of St James at Compostela, and one of far fewer who visited a lesser-known pilgrimage site that was located on the edge of the known world

in Dublin
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P. J. P. Goldberg

such estate, having forgetten her former rank, believes herself truly to reign and disdains the other girls… 8. Memoriale Presbiterorum , anonymous English pastoral manual. Language: Latin. Date: 1344. Translated from quotation in P. P. A. Biller, ‘Marriage patterns and women’s lives: a sketch of a pastoral geography’, in P. J. P. Goldberg, ed

in Women in England c. 1275–1525
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Kathleen Miller

’. Yet constructing this print culture tells only one story of Dublin as a Renaissance city of literature. Dublin literary identities Authors used the literary identities they constructed to fashion themselves and their city, reflecting the literary societies present in Dublin in their writing. They idealised the capital city as a geographical location that could foster the fervent intellectual and textual activity associated with ‘Renaissance’. In her contribution to this volume, Theresa O’Byrne describes the composition of Memoriale by James Yonge, a legal clerk in

in Dublin
The parable of the Prodigal Son
Mary Raschko

rigidly prescriptive. First and foremost, such literature aimed to facilitate as effective a process as possible for identifying, comprehending, and remediating sin. Most descriptions of penance within instructional texts include both internal and external forms: contrition for one’s sins, auricular confession, and restitution for sins through satisfaction. And often, authors described these three facets as integrally connected and interdependent. For example, after invoking a threefold process, the author of Memoriale Credencium, a text that J. H. L. Kengen calls a

in The politics of Middle English parables
C. E. Beneš

philippicae , 20.5.8, which was transmitted through John of Salisbury ( Policraticus 6.17) and was much cited in medieval Italy: cf. e.g. Benzo d’Alessandria, Chronicon 14.136, p. 146. Jacopo's text here, however, comes from the anonymous Memoriale temporum , pp. 98–102, 193–4. 17 Vegetius, De re militari 4.9 (discussing

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
Jenny Benham

Ithel (London, 1860), 67–8; The Annals of Margam , in Ann. Mon ., i, 31; ‘The Barnwell Chronicle’, in Memoriale Fratris Walteri de Coventria , 2 vols, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series, 58 (London, 1872–73), ii, 203; Flores Historiarum , ii, 58; Pryce, The Acts of Welsh Rulers , no. 233

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
Georges Didi-Huberman

mémoriale du langage’, L'Écrit du temps , 10, 23–45 . Gaillard , F. ( 1992 ) ‘Fais n'importe quoi’, Esprit , 179, 51–7 . Genette , G. ( 1994 ) L'oeuvre de l'art . Paris: Éditions du Seuil . [ Genette, G. , Trans. Goshgarian, G. M. ( 1997 ) The Work of Art: Immanence and Transcendence

in Perspectives on contemporary printmaking
Abstract only
Jenny Benham

. 34 Brut y Tywysogyon , 85; Annales Cambriae , 67–8; The Annals of Margam , in Ann. Mon ., i, 31; Memoriale Fratris Walteri de Coventria , ii, 203; Flores Historiarum , ii, 58; Pryce, The Acts of Welsh Rulers , no. 233. 35 A Short History of the

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
R. H. Helmholz

traditions juridiques européennes (Paris, 1996), pp. 167–79. 39 That found as the frontispiece in Squibb, Doctors’ Commons, p. ii, taken from R. Ackermann, Microcosm of London (1808), has been much used; it depicts a more formal institution than most diocesan courts would have been. 40 See, e.g., M. Haren, Sin and Society in Fourteenth-Century England: A Study of the Memoriale Presbiterorum (Oxford, 2000), pp. 14–16. 41 See, e.g., G. R. Elton, The Tudor Constitution (second edition, Cambridge, 1982), pp. 218–21: ‘fear and dislike’ of the courts; P. Williams, The Tudor

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700