From its Nobel laureates to its literary festivals, modern-day Dublin lives up to its role as a literary capital. The question of whether Ireland experienced a cultural and literary Renaissance has received increasing scholarly attention in recent years. This book extends the discussion by engaging with the specific literary culture of its capital city. It begins with an argument for the internationalised literary culture of late medieval Dublin by an analysis of James Yonge's 'Memoriale'. The citizens of Dublin engaged with and actively read texts imported from London, as Dublin's own printing was limited. The book presents case studies that establish Dublin as an emerging city of Renaissance literature by focusing on Edmund Spenser's political and social connections and by examining the literature of complaint emanating from late Elizabethan Dublin. It analyses the constructed authorial personae of Richard Bellings, James Shirley and Henry Burnell residing in Dublin, and discusses the concepts of literary friendship. Sir James Ware's scholarly achievements are analysed and his extensive intellectual community are investigated, revealing an open-minded Dublin community. In addition to being a representative Renaissance activity, translation was harnessed in the country as an 'instrument of state', as shown by translations of Gaelic poetry. The Renaissance literary production in Dublin had a multi-linguistic character with Latin orations taking place in the Trinity College Dublin. The book also addresses the question of whether the English-language drama composed and staged in Restoration Dublin is most accurately described as Anglo-Irish drama or 'English drama written in Ireland'.
The role of Dublin in James Yonge’s Memoriale (1412)
Centre or periphery? The role of Dublin
in James Yonge’s Memoriale (1412)
In the late summer of 1411, the Hungarian knight Laurence Rathold of
Pászthó and Tar arrived in Dublin with his retinue. Setting foot on Dublin’s
busy quayside, Rathold reached a significant milestone on a journey that had
begun for him in the early months of 1409. The Hungarian was a pilgrim,
one of many who sought out the shrine of St James at Compostela, and one of
far fewer who visited a lesser-known pilgrimage site that was located on the
edge of the known world
such estate, having forgetten her former rank, believes herself truly to
reign and disdains the other girls…
8. Memoriale Presbiterorum , anonymous English pastoral
Language: Latin. Date: 1344.
Translated from quotation in P. P. A. Biller, ‘Marriage patterns
and women’s lives: a sketch of a pastoral geography’, in P.
J. P. Goldberg, ed
’. Yet constructing this print culture tells only one story of
Dublin as a Renaissance city of literature.
Dublin literary identities
Authors used the literary identities they constructed to fashion themselves and their city, reflecting the literary societies present in Dublin in
their writing. They idealised the capital city as a geographical location
that could foster the fervent intellectual and textual activity associated
with ‘Renaissance’. In her contribution to this volume, Theresa O’Byrne
describes the composition of Memoriale by James Yonge, a legal clerk in
rigidly prescriptive. First and
foremost, such literature aimed to facilitate as effective a process
as possible for identifying, comprehending, and remediating sin.
Most descriptions of penance within instructional texts include
both internal and external forms: contrition for one’s sins, auricular
confession, and restitution for sins through satisfaction. And often,
authors described these three facets as integrally connected and
interdependent. For example, after invoking a threefold process,
the author of Memoriale Credencium, a text that J. H. L. Kengen
philippicae , 20.5.8, which was transmitted through
John of Salisbury ( Policraticus 6.17) and was much cited in medieval
Italy: cf. e.g. Benzo d’Alessandria, Chronicon 14.136, p. 146.
Jacopo's text here, however, comes from the anonymous Memoriale
temporum , pp. 98–102, 193–4.
Vegetius, De re militari 4.9 (discussing
Ithel (London, 1860),
67–8; The Annals of Margam , in Ann. Mon ., i,
31; ‘The Barnwell Chronicle’, in Memoriale
Fratris Walteri de Coventria , 2 vols, ed. W. Stubbs,
Rolls Series, 58 (London, 1872–73), ii, 203; Flores
Historiarum , ii, 58; Pryce, The Acts of Welsh
Rulers , no. 233
traditions juridiques européennes (Paris, 1996), pp. 167–79.
39 That found as the frontispiece in Squibb, Doctors’ Commons, p. ii, taken from R.
Ackermann, Microcosm of London (1808), has been much used; it depicts a more
formal institution than most diocesan courts would have been.
40 See, e.g., M. Haren, Sin and Society in Fourteenth-Century England: A Study of the
Memoriale Presbiterorum (Oxford, 2000), pp. 14–16.
41 See, e.g., G. R. Elton, The Tudor Constitution (second edition, Cambridge, 1982),
pp. 218–21: ‘fear and dislike’ of the courts; P. Williams, The Tudor
Brut y Tywysogyon , 85; Annales
Cambriae , 67–8; The Annals of Margam , in
Ann. Mon ., i, 31; Memoriale Fratris Walteri de
Coventria , ii, 203; Flores Historiarum , ii, 58;
Pryce, The Acts of Welsh Rulers , no. 233.
A Short History of the
Balkans, April 1941–July 1943’, European History Quarterly, 35:2
(2005), 213–40 (119–20, 223–5).
22 ACS, FPFS, 1973, b. 116 bis, f. Genovese Vincenzo, Memoriale Difensiva,
4 April 1946; letter from Genovese (Questore Udine) to Prefetto Fiume,
6 July 1938.
23 Ibid., Attestato di Merito Speciale, 20 June 1941, signed by Ministro
dell’Interno, Guido Buffarini Guidi.
24 For the role played by Roatta, see Capogreco, ‘Internamento e deportazione
dei civili jugoslavi’, pp. 144–53.
25 ACS, FPFS, 1973, b. 116 bis, f. Genovese Vincenzo, 333/1308 DGPS, DP