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Patronage, the information revolution and colonial government
Author: Zoë Laidlaw

The fascination with imperialism, in all its aspects, shows no sign of abating, and the 'Studies in Imperialism' series continues to lead the way in encouraging the widest possible range of studies in the field. This book makes a significant contribution to the study of historical networking. While the book covers the thirty years after Waterloo, it is particularly concerned with changes to colonial governance in the 1830s. In pursuing these themes, the book engages with broad questions about British imperialism in the early nineteenth century. It provides the opportunity to bring together new imperial and British historiography, to examine the somewhat neglected area of colonial governance, where 'governance' implies a concern with processes of government and administration. The first part of the book introduces, and then dissects, some of the networks of patronage and information which were critical to colonial governance. It examines changes in Colonial Office organisation and policies between 1815 and 1836. The second part deals with the development, implementation and effects of networks of personal communications in New South Wales and the Cape Colony up to 1845. The private correspondence of governors with their immediate subordinates within the colonies demonstrates the continual assessment and re-assessment of metropolitan politics, imperial policies, and the reception of colonial lobbyists. The final part of the book focuses on Britain, considering the impact of a changing information order on colonial governance, and examines how colonial and metropolitan concerns converged and cross-fertilised.

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Mobilizing for parliament, 1641– 5
Author: Jordan S. Downs

Although few would contend that London and its inhabitants were indispensable to parliament’s war effort against King Charles I, the matter remains to be delineated in detail. This book explores how London’s agitators, activists, and propagandists sought to mobilize the metropolis between 1641 and 1645. Rather than simply frame London’s wartime participation from the top down, this book explores mobilization as a series of disparate but structured processes – as efforts and events that created webs of engagement. These webs joined parliamentarian activists to civic authorities, just as they connected parishioners to vestries and preachers, and forced interaction between committees, Common Council, liverymen, and apprentices. The success of any given mobilizing effort – or counter-mobilization, for that matter – varied. Activists adapted their tactics accordingly, meeting their circumstances head-on. Londoners meanwhile heeded the entreaties of preachers and civic leaders alike, signing petitions, donating, and taking to the streets to protest both for and against war. Initially called upon to loan money and fortify the metropolis in 1642–3, Londoners had by 1644 become reluctant lenders and overburdened caretakers for sick and wounded soldiers. Revealed here by way of a wealth of archival and printed sources is the collective story of London’s evolving relationship to the challenges of wartime mobilization, of the evolution of efforts to move money and men, and the popular responses that defined not only parliament’s wartime success, but the arrival of novel financial expedients that gave rise to the New Model Army and eventually became apparatuses of the state.

French revolutionary ideology in Saint- Domingue
Johnhenry Gonzalez

emancipation decree, this chapter explores some of the strongest examples of direct ideological linkages between the French and Haitian Revolutions as well as the underlying disjunctures that limited the influences of metropolitan political thought in the former colony. The revolutions in Saint-​Domingue and France A Jamaican-​born slave named Boukman Dutty was the principal organizer of the great rebellion of August 1791 that initiated the Haitian Revolution. Three months later Boukman was killed in battle and the French prominently displayed his head on a pike. In November

in Colonial exchanges
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The culture of free trade versus the culture of anti-slavery in Britain and the British Caribbean, 1840–50
Philip Harling

This is the story of a culture war that pitted two mid-Victorian shibboleths against each other. By the 1840s, Britons prided themselves on their opposition to slavery, and were quickly coming to pride themselves no less on their commitment to free trade. Their insatiable appetite for sugar brought these peculiar British values into tension. Thanks to tariff protection, colonial sugar – “free” sugar after Emancipation in the British West Indies in 1833 – enjoyed a near monopoly on the British market. It lost that protection with the 1846 Sugar Duties Act, which opened the British market to Cuban and Brazilian sugar produced by slaves. Slave sugar poured into Britain while fresh slaves poured into Brazil and Cuba, and the British Caribbean fell into socio-economic turmoil. The plantocracy bitterly charged the imperial government of having abandoned not only them, but the freed slaves as well.

Rather than being a simple story of how free trade (and the British consumer) beat abolitionism (and the purported interests of former slaves), this is instead a story of how the free trade v. abolition struggle intersected with several other cultural struggles. One is the struggle between planters and sugar monoculture on the one hand and peasant proprietorship and West Indian freedmen on the other. Another is the struggle between planters' socio-economic paternalism and the Whig-liberal government's doctrinaire commitment to “liberating” the consumer. Yet another is a struggle fought out within metropolitan political ranks: one that pitted those who felt abolition could be reconciled with free trade through armed suppression of the slave trade against those who were committed to pacifism and free trade. These struggles ended in a broad stalemate. Free trade's victory over abolition was not as decisive as it might have first seemed. Rather, a balance emerged between them – the sort of uncomfortable truce that ended so many culture wars in the “Age of Equipoise.”

in The cultural construction of the British world
Zoë Laidlaw

thinly; or to waste influence which might later be employed for metropolitan political purposes. Nevertheless, many successful colonial candidates can be linked closely to Wellington, although they are often also linked to at least one other influential Horse Guards figure. Benjamin D’Urban was one officer who benefited from Wellington’s favour. Having entered the army as a cornet

in Colonial connections, 1815–45
Zoë Laidlaw

sometimes lacked a broader imperial and metropolitan perspective. A consideration of the importance of the demands of patronage and metropolitan politics – revealed via networks – and a comparison between colonies which breaks down any false exceptionalism, adds significantly to these worthy accounts. Little comparative work on governors between colonies

in Colonial connections, 1815–45
Milner’s ‘excentric’ High Commision in South Africa
John Benyon

– largely if not entirely a product of metropolitan politics be it noted 21 – would supply much of the ‘puzzling’ impulse that elevated medium-level ‘local challenge’ in South Africa into a full-scale ‘Test of Empire’. The strength of Liberal Unionist support and the image of social reformism that Chamberlain could bring to the Conservatives

in The South African War reappraised
Open Access (free)
Laura Chrisman

attention has almost fetishised the spectacular Kurtz, and ‘his’ Africa, minimising their systemic relations with European capitalist bureaucracy in Europe. It is important to extend criticism by examining how overseas domination is rendered in the textures of ordinary European metropolitan life, labour and leisure in the novella. And equally important is the way metropolitan political power, consumerism and fantasy are seen to control the Company’s African employment structures, just as they control Kurtz up to his death. When viewed from this angle, Conrad’s critique

in Postcolonial contraventions
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William IV, affability and the reform crisis, 1830–37
Steve Poole

of 1830. Henry Hunt declared that if reform was not granted this time and resistance therefore was ‘made a duty’, he would be joining the republicans. As chair of the Metropolitan Political Union, he called on Londoners to put pressure on the King to back reform in his first speech to Parliament and to prepare an appropriate response if Parliament rebuffed their overtures. Hunt took petitions to the throne from all over the country to the King’s levee on 3 November. Carlile and John Gale Jones were meanwhile urging WILLIAM IV AND THE REFORM CRISIS, 1830–37 165

in The politics of regicide in England, 1760–1850
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France’s inter-war empire: a framework for analysis
Martin Thomas

issues. It must be remembered, however, that only in times of acute imperial crisis, in 1924–25, in 1930–31, in 1936–37, and again in 1939, did these debates figure large in metropolitan political culture. On one such occasion, during 1925–26, the conjunction of the Rif war in northern Morocco and a major rebellion in French Syria put colonial counter-insurgency on the front pages of the

in The French empire between the wars