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This book provides a review and consideration of the role of the Catholic Church in Ireland in the intense political and social changes after 1879 through a major figure in Irish history, Michael Logue. Despite being a figure of pivotal historical importance in Ireland, no substantial study of Michael Logue (1840–1924) has previously been undertaken. Exploring previously under-researched areas, such as the clash between science and faith, university education and state-building, the book contributes to our understanding of the relationship between the Church and the state in modern Ireland. It also sets out to redress any historical misunderstanding of Michael Logue and provides a fresh perspective on existing interpretations of the role of the Church and on areas of historical debate in this period.
, anecdotes and stories regarding Logue, and thus much of it remains unverifiable. Despite its brevity and the nature of the material, nevertheless, Toner’s work does shed some light on the early life and career of Michael Logue. There is little in it to suggest the kind of man he would become or the stellar career he would, in Logue’s own opinion, rather endure than enjoy. However, Toner’s biography, written as it is in the slightly lachrymose and elegising fashion of a work intended for popular consumption by the faithful, represents a useful starting point to examine the
10 Legacy Despite his prominence as a historical figure and the length of his career, Michael Logue has suffered to a surprising degree in the historiography of the period. When not ignored by historians, he has often been dismissed as a known quantity, a one-dimensional character lacking nuance and depth. Most often, historians have questioned his nationalist credentials. Miller’s description of the cardinal has remained rather typical. ‘He enjoyed waiting upon royalty’, he has stated, and ‘delighted in entertaining visiting British dignitaries with champagne
Wicklow, Redmond told Irish Nationalists that they should take care that Irish valour proved itself on the fields of battle – ‘not only in Ireland itself, but wherever the firing line extends, in defence of right, of freedom and religion in this war’.5 Throughout Ireland, nationalist fervour mingled with anger at the tactics employed by the Germans. Patriotism and moral outrage combined 98 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland to produce not only justification for the war but a moral obligation to enlist.6 In 1914, for example, Tom Kettle, former MP for East
the Vatican with a telegram stating only: ‘Insurrection happily terminated. Insurgents have surrendered unconditionally. Hope peace soon re-established.’1 That left the bishops free to grapple with events in Ireland on their own. paralysed.2 It was impossible, for example, to organise a relief effort for those left destitute by the shelling in Dublin for fear of ‘incurring an imputation of favouring, in any way, the authors of the unfortunate attempt’. In the end 114 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland nothing was done. The bishops confined themselves
Having condemned the Queen’s Colleges and Trinity the bishops set out to establish a university of their own. In 1854 the Catholic university was 34 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland established in Dublin under John Henry Newman. The university provided teaching in the arts and languages as well as science and medicine. The intention was to give Ireland a ‘Catholic Oxford’ but the new institution rapidly began to deteriorate. Funding and students dwindled and Newman clashed frequently with Cardinal Cullen over the direction of the university.3 It also
declared the arms raid a regular act of war and refused to bring in a verdict of murder. Following the result, infuriated troops broke barracks and attacked 138 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland property belonging to the jurors.9 Fermoy set the pattern of attack and reprisal that would characterise the coming conflict. However, it was one thing to accuse the Government of tyranny and partiality but quite another to endorse a campaign of assassination against the police. Thus, when the bishops met on 22 October 1919, they responded to the escalating
entire domain of cosmological theory’.8 He also dared trespass upon the question of Catholic education 54 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland in Ireland, declaring the hope that Irish youth would be emancipated by science; that they would imbibe and be leavened by it.9 It was too much for Paul Cullen, Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin. In an angry pastoral to the Irish people Cullen condemned Tyndall and his address. He also took the opportunity to pronounce on the nature of true science. Proper science, he claimed, ‘is the observation of facts as they are in
that if Parnell clung on to the leadership Home Rule would be a thing of the distant future. In a letter to Walsh from Rome he also vented his utter disgust at Parnell’s actions and hoped for the sake of 82 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland all he would retire quietly. ‘A man having the destinies of a people in his hands’, he said, ‘and bartering it away for the company of an old woman, is certainly not a person to beget confidence’.8 There is no doubt that, as the Irish Party fragmented, Logue viewed the developing crisis as an opportunity for change
, five willing to give support privately, nine outright opponents and nine neutrals. Larkin has recorded Logue as one of the neutrals along with James Donnelly in Clogher, Francis Kelly in Derry and Nicholas Conaty in Kilmore. The majority of those who opposed the 10 Michael Logue & the Catholic Church in Ireland League outright formed a bloc around the Archbishop of Dublin, Edward McCabe, along with the Archbishop of Tuam and his coadjutor, John McEvilly in Galway. The chief supporter of the League was the brash and outspoken Archbishop of Cashel, Thomas William