John Milton knew the satirical
tradition and sought to join it. Deeply versed in classical literature,
Biblical models and humanist scholarship, he built an idiosyncratic
theory of satire to support a satiric practice conditioned by the two
temporalities most usually on his mind: the needs of the moment and the
immortality of fame. Yet the association of Milton and satire still does
Connections between Milton and
Winstanley have sometimes been drawn, most effectively by Christopher
Hill, in his unfairly neglected Milton and the English
Revolution . 1
Hill’s book achieved a certain notoriety because of its larger
argument that Milton’s writings show a complex relationship with
the heterodox thinking of what he termed ‘the Radical
Augustine: How John Dryden read his Milton
How John Dryden read his Milton: The State
of Innocence reconsidered
Matthew C. Augustine
This essay begins with an unlikely scene, a pre-production panel sponsored
by Legendary Pictures held at the 2011 San Diego International Comic
Convention. Featured are director Alex Proyas, of The Crow and Dark
City fame, and the actor Bradley Cooper, then making his turn from the
B-list to perennial Oscar contender. At hand is the official announcement
of a long-rumoured big-budget adaptation of John Milton’s biblical epic
The comte de Mirabeau and the works of
John Milton and Catharine Macaulay
The case of the comte de Mirabeau is typical of the more general picture of the
influence of British models and ideas during the French Revolution. For the most
part, historians have either ignored or downplayed the British influences upon
him. Even W. B. Fryer, who devoted an entire article to the subject of Mirabeau’s
trip to England in the winter of 1784–85, concluded that: ‘English influence did
not become a major factor on Mirabeau’s political career’.1 This verdict
categories of information’ ( Vosoughi et al ., 2018 : 1146). Other studies have shown that the most
‘successful’ fabricated stories can attract more likes and retweets than the most
popular and accurate stories published in the mainstream media ( Allcott and Gentzkow, 2017 ).
These findings cut to the heart of some of our most celebrated ideals about free speech and
democracy. For centuries, liberal philosophers have argued that open debate and discussion will
edge us closer to the truth. As John Milton proclaimed in 1644 , ‘Let [truth] and Falsehood
: Results, Management and the Humanitarian Affairs Agenda
( London : Humanitarian Affairs Team &
Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute ).
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Selections from the Prison Notebooks ( London :
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S. ( 2010 ), The
Last Utopia: Human Rights in History ( Cambridge, MA :
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Liberalism ( Milton Keynes : Open
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Hafner-Burton , E.
M. ( 2013 ), Making Human Rights
a Reality ( Princeton, NJ : Princeton
University Press ).
S. ( 2006 ), Keepers
of the Flame: Understanding Amnesty International ( Ithaca,
NY : Cornell University
S. ( 2013 ) The
Endtimes of Human Rights ( Ithaca, NY :
Cornell University Press
editions of Microcosmus would appear to have been
published without Heylyn’s overview, but their publication simultaneously
with his controversial writings for the government presents a strangely
schizophrenic ﬁgure. It would not be until the 1650s that Heylyn would expound
a more systematic and coherent ideology, but even then (as we shall see) his
position was not always entirely consistent.
1 Lake, ‘Laudian style’; P. Lake, ‘The Laudians and argument from authority’ in B. Y.
Kunze and D. D. Brautigam (eds), Court, Country and Culture (Rochester NY, 1992);