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In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.

The first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches trajectories for future research in the field.

The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

Chien-peng Chung

separatist groups, as the region has been considered by the national leadership as China's frontline in the fight against terrorism. This has particularly been the case since the early 1990s, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of its Turkic Muslim Central Asian republics serving as an example for the Uyghur militants (Dillon 2018 ; Jacobs 2017 ). This chapter analyses the Chinese government's practices towards the Uyghurs as a form of mis-recognition. In particular, it argues that, while the government has granted the Uyghurs

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
Maéva Clément, Anna Geis, and Hanna Pfeifer

(IR) (Hayden and Schick 2016 : 1–2). Experiencing recognition in private and public life is considered a vital human need (Taylor 1994 : 26). Mis-recognition, which individuals or collective actors experience as humiliation, disrespect or false representations of their identity, is seen as a major cause of political resistance and as a significant factor in the escalation of potentially violent conflicts. Scholars have thus argued that recognition can have positive consequences on conflict dynamics in inter-state conflicts and in domestic

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Promoting inclusivity in the mediation of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in South Sudan
Jamie Pring

groups fragmented after it was signed. The South Sudan case illustrates that the relationship between greater inclusivity and the non-recurrence of violent conflict is not as straightforward as currently theorised in mediation research. With this in mind, this contribution probes the question of why ANSAs continue to use violence during and after the peace mediation despite their inclusion. The analysis draws on recognition theory, particularly the concept of mis-recognition, to further nuance the relationship between inclusivity in mediation processes and the

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
The case of the Islamic State
Tom Kaden and Christoph Günther

of recognition, non- or mis-recognition is part of a social relationship between those granting (or denying) and those the act is directed towards. Consequently, recognition and its others (non- and mis-recognition) are constituted reciprocally. As Geis ( 2018 : 612) summarises in a recent review on the scholarship, recognition is ‘a relational concept because (mutual) recognition is regarded as a prerequisite for successful identity formation and beneficial social action’. Accordingly, mis-recognition, ‘which individuals or collective actors

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Hanna Pfeifer

Trump administration that put the IRGC on the list of terror organisations in April 2019. 1 Iran immediately responded by designating US military forces a terrorist entity. 2 Observers have warned against the consequences of such listings for state sovereignty and political legitimacy. 3 Some perceive the upholding of Iran's recognition as a state and simultaneous mis-recognition

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Endogeneity and exogeneity in the struggle for recognition in Somalia
Harmonie Toros and Arrliya Sugal

actor may be recognised as ‘one of us’ but not of equal moral worth. However, it is argued here that exogeneity can strengthen mis-recognition – they are not ‘one of us’ and thus not as worthy as us – while when endogeneity is added to moral recognition, one can achieve a high status, as the party is recognised as from within the community and of equal moral worth. This points to the fact that political recognition may indeed have to precede moral recognition and that endogeneity may facilitate the passage from political to moral, that is, (1) You are relevant; (2

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Abstract only
Elisabeth Bronfen

of erasure of the Other when this Other is substituted for an image of the self. Lacan emphasises that for a subject to imagine itself as having a stable identity is always an act of mis-recognition ( méconnaissance ), a fiction, an illusion of autonomy. 33 Though language allows for a differentiation between self and Other (so that the

in Over her dead body
What we have learned and what lies ahead
Harold Trinkunas

wants to do something to show we're not all wasting our time’ (BBC News 2020 ). The singular declaration of a US president of the transformation of the Taliban from recognition as a terrorist organisation to a potential counterinsurgent highlights the powerful effect that acts of recognition, mis-recognition and non-recognition of armed non-state actors (ANSAs) can have in the course of civil conflict. This is only one speech by a US leader in a long-lasting conflict, and it may not in the long run have an impact, but it was an unusually visible

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Mitja Sienknecht

from state territory. However, actors of world politics 3 – such as IOs – have steadily gained in relevance in recognition processes of intra-state groups. They can play a decisive role in the recognition or non-recognition of an ANSA, thus influencing the conflict outcome. In one case, the recognition of a group may lead to a separation from a state, while in another the stabilisation of a mis-recognition may result in labelling an ANSA as a terrorist organisation. The recognition attributions towards ANSAs are not

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition