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The expression cité-jardin (‘garden city’) was widely used 1 by colonial architects, urban planners, political leaders and property developers as well as by visitors and writers in Morocco during the French Protectorate (1912–56). The expression appeared at first in official circles, where it referred to most plans of
4 Quarantine in Ceuta and Malta in the travel writings of the late eighteenthcentury Moroccan ambassador Ibn Uthmân Al-Meknassî Malika Ezzahidi Introduction Interest in public health on the southern littoral of the Mediterranean Sea began to decline by the end of what is considered as the golden age of medieval Islamic medicine between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries. Before this occurred, hospitals (bîmâristâns) had played a central role in the treatment of the sick in major Islamic cities.1 In the case of Morocco, for example, Marrakech and Fez
This article studies one of the humanitarian challenges caused by the COVID-19 crisis: the dignified handling of the mortal remains of individuals that have died from COVID-19 in Muslim contexts. It illustrates the discussion with examples from Sunni Muslim-majority states when relevant, such as Egypt, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco and Pakistan, and examples from English-speaking non-Muslim majority states such as the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada and Australia as well as Sri Lanka. The article finds that the case of the management of dead bodies of people who have died from COVID-19 has shown that the creativity and flexibility enshrined in the Islamic law-making logic and methodology, on the one hand, and the cooperation between Muslim jurists and specialised medical and forensic experts, on the other, have contributed to saving people’s lives and mitigating the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Muslim contexts.
Slave Trade without tracing the corresponding voyages and reproductive habits of the female Aedes aegypti , the mosquito responsible for transmitting yellow fever and for which Africans were conveniently considered immune ( Watts, 1999 : 228–9); nor is it possible to understand the role of colonial medicine in the ‘Scramble for Africa’ without decrypting later boasts such as that from the French Governor of Morocco who intended to ‘cure the diseases that for so long have corrupted this people
In the twenty years between the end of the First World War and the start of the Second, the French empire reached its greatest physical extent. At the end of the First World War, the priority of the French political community was to consolidate and expand the French empire for, inter alia, industrial mobilisation and global competition for strategic resources. The book revisits debates over 'associationism' and 'assimilationism' in French colonial administration in Morocco and Indochina, and discusses the Jonnart Law in Algeria and the role of tribal elites in the West African colonies. On the economy front, the empire was tied to France's monetary system, and most colonies were reliant on the French market. The book highlights three generic socio-economic issues that affected all strata of colonial society: taxation and labour supply, and urban development with regard to North Africa. Women in the inter-war empire were systematically marginalised, and gender was as important as colour and creed in determining the educational opportunities open to children in the empire. With imperialist geographical societies and missionary groups promoting France's colonial connection, cinema films and the popular press brought popular imperialism into the mass media age. The book discusses the four rebellions that shook the French empire during the inter-war years: the Rif War of Morocco, the Syrian revolt, the Yen Bay mutiny in Indochina, and the Kongo Wara. It also traces the origins of decolonisation in the rise of colonial nationalism and anti-colonial movements.
3 Mending ‘Moors’ in Mogador: Hajj, cholera and Spanish–Moroccan regeneration, 1890–99 Francisco Javier MartÃnez Introduction In the summer of 1896, two very different groups of people crammed into the tiny 500 × 300 metres uninhabited islet located in front of the Moroccan port of Essaouira (Mogador for Europeans, see Figure 3.1). The first and most numerous group consisted of the 1,653 hajjis (Muslim pilgrims) debarked in notoriously insanitary conditions from the French steamer Gergovia, owned by the Compagnie Fabre et Cie of Marseilles.1 As the sultans of
Figure 10.1 Style frame from video animation. Raquel Salvatella de Prada, 2018. Cornered is a video installation about contemporary migrants making attempts, most often failed, to cross the border from Morocco to the Spanish cities of Melilla
, though in varying ways, in French North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. The French had invaded Algeria in 1830, on the pretence of a slight to their consul by the dey , ruler of the Regency of Algiers; elected by local elites for life, the dey ruled autonomously, but nominally represented the Ottoman sultan. Hussein Dey surrendered to the French conquerors; denied permission to move to
The Vietnamese emperor Bao Dai has gone down in history as a colonial puppet. He lies today beneath a black, nondescript tombstone in a Parisian cemetery. Meanwhile, millions of visitors stream through ornate monuments in Rabat and Phnom Penh to pay homage to the fathers of the Moroccan and Cambodian nations, Mohammed V and Norodom Sihanouk. The French had crowned them all as their colonial monarchs during the colonial period, but only two became the national icons of their post-colonial states. This raises the simple question at the heart of this essay: why