Global civil society, depending on definition, consists of hundreds of thousands of private civic actors including NGOs and private individuals. Many conceptions of “ civil society ” distinguish between private, nonprofit organizations (such as NGOs) and private, for-profit organizations (such as national and multinational corporations), with the former being principled organizations, and therefore, part of civil society; and the latter being self-interested, and therefore, not a civil society actor. 1 This chapter is devoted to exploring NGO human
Allwood 06 24/2/10 6 10:31 Page 152 Refugee women and NGOs This chapter begins from the hypothesis that refugee women, politically active in their countries of origin, will be motivated to participate in their country of destination, but that their opportunities to participate may be constrained by institutional/organisational, social and cultural barriers. It highlights refugee women’s agency, countering the perception that they are passive victims, and describes their individual motivation and resources, and their experiences of NGO participation. As
humanitarian organisations to shift from working on the periphery of conflicts to the heart of them. Yugoslavia, Chechnya, Rwanda and the entire Great Lakes region of Africa became particularly high-risk areas for aid workers. It was during the intervention in Somalia in 1992 that the interface between security, operational procedures and humanitarian principles became central for MdM. The political and security climate at the time confined NGOs to urban centres across
According to Pamela S. Chasek, David L. Downie and Janet Welsh Brown, non-governmental organization (NGO) influence on global environmental politics stems from three principal factors: First, NGOs often possess expert knowledge and innovative thinking about global environmental issues acquired from years of focused specialization on the issues under negotiation. Second, NGOs are acknowledged to be dedicated to goals that transcend narrow national or sectional interests. Third
through the jungles and across the arid deserts of Africa captivated the metropolitan reading public throughout the nineteenth century’. Over time, public perceptions of Africa have changed, although they remain significantly influenced by the colonial narrative of Britain as a global power following a missionary purpose to ‘civilise’ Africa. In the contemporary era, one of the biggest influences on the UK public’s perceptions of Africa has come from development non-governmental organisations (NGOs), particularly through the medium of their
Through an ethnographic study of the Barefoot College, an internationally renowned non-governmental development organisation (NGO) situated in Rajasthan, India, this book investigates the methods and practices by which a development organisation materialises and manages a construction of success. Paying particular attention to the material processes by which success is achieved and the different meanings that they act to perform, this book offers a timely and novel approach to how the world of development NGOs works. It further touches upon the general discrediting of certain kinds of expertise, moving the book beyond an anthropology of development to raise wider questions of general interest.
The author argues that the College, as a heterotopia and a prolific producer of various forms of development media, achieves its success through materially mediated heterotopic spectacles: enacted and imperfect utopias that constitute the desires, imaginings and Otherness of its society.
Founded by the charismatic figure of Bunker Roy, the Barefoot College has become a national and global icon of grassroots sustainable development. With a particular focus on the Barefoot College’s community-managed, solar photovoltaic development programme, this book considers the largely overlooked question of how it is that an NGO achieves a reputation for success.
incentives rather than direct coercion. The only ‘punishment’ which suffices in inducing changes in behaviour is the denial of access to the flow of opportunities, as the risk of → exclusion triggers basic → fear . So even if, at a first glance, the term ‘grant art’ looks like a theoretical pun, it aims at uncovering the systemic underbelly of artistic circulation, which is anything but funny. Sowa discusses grant art as part of the process of ‘NGO-isation’. It is a particular form of self-institutionalisation that has far-reaching consequences
This book provides a historical account of the NGO Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe (CARE) as one of the largest humanitarian NGOs worldwide from 1945 to 1980. Readers interested in international relations and humanitarian hunger prevention are provided with fascinating insights into the economic and business related aspects of Western non-governmental politics, fundraising and philanthropic giving in this field. The book also offers rich empirical material on the political implications of private and governmental international aid in a world marked by the order of the Cold War, and decolonialization processes. It elaborates the struggle of so called "Third World Countries" to catch up with modern Western consumer societies. In order to do justice to CARE's growing dimensions and to try to make sense of the various challenges arising from international operations, the book contains five main chapters on CARE's organizational development, with three case studies. It tells CARE's story on two different yet connected levels. First, it tells the story as a history of individuals and their interactions, conflicts, initiatives, and alliances within CARE and second as an organizational history focusing on institutional networks, CARE's role in international diplomacy. By the start of the 1960s CARE's strategically planned transformation into a development-oriented agency was in full swing. With United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Food for Peace, and the Peace Corps, several new government agencies in the development assistance sector were founded that offered potential junctions and opportunities for cooperation for CARE and the voluntary agencies in general.
the matter more starkly, be allowed to continue as currently constituted) than the other elements of that system. The reason for this should be self-evident: humanitarian action is an integral part of the system; indeed, it can be argued that for at least thirty years, the actions of relief agencies, above all the international private, voluntary ones, have served as the moral warrant for liberal globalisation. Only the human rights movement has been more central in this regard. 1 To be sure, the perceived need for relief NGOs to play this
/or vulnerable North Koreans, but data from agencies working inside the country indicates that a prolonged situation of food insecurity and inadequate access to quality healthcare and hygiene facilities persists. 2 The international humanitarian system in the DPRK includes non-governmental organisations (NGOs), international organisations (IOs) and bilateral organisations. There is no known independent civil society in the DPRK. Humanitarians work with various national and local bodies to deliver their programmes. Humanitarian agencies began working in the country in the mid