Britain’s role in the war on terror

The war on terror has shaped and defined the first decade of the twenty-first century, yet analyses of Britain's involvement remain limited and fragmentary. This book provides a comprehensive, detailed and critical analysis of these developments. It argues that New Labour's support for a militaristic campaign was driven by a desire to elevate Britain's influence on the world stage, and to assist the United States in a new imperialist project of global reordering. This included participation in the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, support for extra-legal measures and a diminution of civil liberties through punitive anti-terror legislation. Ostensibly set within a political framework of promoting humanitarian values, the government's conduct in the war on terror also proved to be largely counter-productive, eroding trust between the citizenry and the state, putting the armed forces under increasing strain, reducing Britain's global position and ultimately exacerbating the threat from radical Islamic terrorism. While new imperialism is typically treated as either an ‘economic’, ‘political’, ‘militaristic’ or ‘humanitarian’ endeavour, this study seeks to enhance current scholarly accounts by setting the events and dynamics of the war on terror within a more holistic and multi-dimensional account of new imperialist forces.

Along the Oregon Trail and in the National Museum of Australia

In this period of the global warping of time-space topologies and of increasing awareness of disorganisation and catastrophe, it is a matter of urgency to ask how we ‘new world’ settler peoples come to imagine that we belong to our beloved homelands. We cannot help but know that we are here through dispossession and death. What are some of the stories we tell to help us inscribe a moral presence in places we have come to through violence? I approach this question through an analysis of landscape stories presented

in Rethinking settler colonialism
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9 Decline and fall A significant change The launching of the war on terror in September 2001 was shaped by two immediate factors: the new imperialist trajectory adopted by the US from the end of the Cold War, and the specific form and character of the George W. Bush administration. Seeking to craft a new world order more conducive to US interests, Washington’s response to the al-Qaeda attacks of 9/11 was driven by military measures designed to expand free market democracy in the Middle East and to establish a credible willingness to use force in defence of its

in New Labour and the new world order
French revolutionary ideology in Saint- Domingue

101 4 The New World ‘sans-​culottes’: French revolutionary ideology in Saint-​Domingue Johnhenry Gonzalez In February 1794, two and a half years after slaves in the French colony of Saint-​Domingue initiated the Haitian Revolution by taking up arms against their former masters, the Jacobin-​controlled National Convention in Paris issued the first ecumenical decree of slave emancipation in modern history. While the Haitian and French Revolutions occurred contemporaneously, scholars of the period have long been at odds with regard to the extent and the nature of

in Colonial exchanges
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/11 terrorist attacks, the overarching objective of this campaign was to advance a wide-ranging project of geo-strategic reordering designed to extend and enhance US global dominance. For the New Labour leadership, support for this endeavour was considered to be vital not only for securing Britain’s national interests, but as a means of helping to forge and fashion a new world order for the twenty-first century. Not surprisingly, the circumstances surrounding the war on terror have attracted an enormous amount of commentary and analysis. Typologically, this divides into

in New Labour and the new world order

civil liberties in the name of national security, would dominate international and domestic politics for the rest of the decade. A new world order The origins of the war on terror are to be found in three interlocking dynamics of the post-war period: the Cold War struggle between the US and the Soviet Union, US moves towards the adoption of a new imperialist strategy during the 1990s, and the emergence of a globally oriented form of radical Islamic terrorism. In the first of these, the main impetus for later events was bound up with the mutually antagonistic support

in New Labour and the new world order
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the war effort, provoked an economic crisis and forced the newly elected Labour government to negotiate a fresh Anglo-American loan deal. The terms of this, though far more favourable to the US, led directly to an exchange-rate crisis in 1947 and soured prospects for closer financial cooperation.3 New Labour and the new world order All the same, with Britain at this point still able to command extensive global influence, the competitive nature of transatlantic relations was tempered by an equivalent need to work together on a number of fronts. Prevalent here

in New Labour and the new world order
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close to the new US administration, the government also sought to mirror its handling of the now phraseologically defunct ‘war on terror’. One of the central elements here was a reiterated rejection of the term as an accurate conceptual framework for current operations against al-Qaeda. Reprising the argument set out by Hilary Benn in 2007, 147 New Labour and the new world order the Foreign Secretary explained that while the phrase may have been useful as a means of capturing the nature of the threat in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, continuing with its use would

in New Labour and the new world order
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. The principal sense of unease at this point centred on Afghanistan, with questions starting to be raised about the precise boundaries of the dual peacekeeping and combat role being 45 New Labour and the new world order played by British troops, as well as the uncertain nature of the mission more generally. In the words of Lord Inge, the Chief of Defence Staff from 1994–97, the British army had become ‘dangerously ­overcommitted’ and the campaign had ‘mission creep written all over it’.1 Tensions were also rising over the nature and extent of the US commitment to

in New Labour and the new world order
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global dominance of the US and gain control of Middle East oil, and having served to elevate the status and legitimacy of Islamic terrorism in many Muslim countries, the militarism of the US was also 71 New Labour and the new world order undermining any moral authority being claimed on its behalf. Offering no means of addressing the underlying causes of terrorist violence, containing no measures (or even any evident concern) for alleviating far greater causes of human misery such as global inequality, poverty and disease, and bringing scant pressure to bear on geo

in New Labour and the new world order