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Nordic Gothic traces Gothic fiction in the Nordic region from its beginnings in the nineteenth century with a main focus on the development of Gothic from the 1990s onwards in literature, film, TV series and new media. The volume gives an overview of Nordic Gothic fiction in relation to transnational developments and provides a number of case studies and in-depth analyses of individual narratives. The book creates an understanding of a ubiquitous but hitherto under-researched cultural phenomenon by showing how the Gothic narratives make visible cultural anxieties haunting the Nordic countries and their welfare systems, and how central these anxieties are for the understanding of identities and ideologies in the Nordic region. It examines how figures from Nordic folklore and mythology function as metaphorical expressions of Gothic themes, and also how universal Gothic figures such as vampires and witches are used in the Nordic context. The Nordic settings, and especially the Nordic wilderness, are explored from perspectives such as ecocriticism and postcolonialism and subcategories such as Gothic crime, Gothic humour, troll Gothic and geriatric Gothic are defined and discussed. Furthermore, the phenomenon of transcultural adaptation is investigated, using the cases of Lars von Trier’s Riget and John Ajvide Lindqvist’s Låt den rätte komma in, two seminal works of contemporary Nordic Gothic.

David Arter

Scandinavian countries and the UK’. After the Second World War, however, the Icelandic Social Democrats failed to dominate government and it was this different balance of power – with a cohesive centre-right and fragmented left – which in large part may be said to explain ‘welfare exceptionalism’ in Iceland (Ólafsson 1989: 30). Outside Finland, the expansionist years of the mainland Nordic welfare systems were over by the 1980s – and in Denmark and Sweden earlier than that. In the Danish case, the Yom Kippur war and subsequent oil crisis of 1973–74 led to a rise in

in Scandinavian politics today
João Labareda

to the proposal of an EU threshold of basic goods. First, why should we think that all member states would agree that any specific list of goods is good enough ? For example, the Nordic welfare systems tend to be more generous than this threshold. Would then redistribution at EU level imply a levelling down of redistribution at the national level? If so, is it plausible to assume that every member state could be on board to pass such a proposal? Secondly, how could member states agree on how much of each good is to be provided? Notice that member states have

in Towards a just Europe