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The politics of ‘dissident’ Irish republicanism

This book provides an analysis of the politics, ideology and strategy of ‘dissident’ Irish republicans. Based on the largest survey of ‘dissidents’ to date, it offers unprecedented insight into who the ‘dissidents’ are and what they hope to achieve. The ninety interviewees for this book comprise members of ‘dissident’ groups, independents, elected representatives, current prisoners in Maghaberry prison, former senior members of the Provisional Movement and individuals who were active in the Republican Movement prior to the formation of the Provisionals in 1969. This book provides insight into the Provisional–‘dissident’ divide regarding tactics-versus-principles, a debate which strikes to the heart of republicanism. Uniquely, through interviews with key players, this book presents the mainstream Sinn Féin narrative, thus providing an insight into the contested narratives of these two worlds which encompass former comrades. This book locates ‘dissident’ republicanism historically, within the long trajectory of republican struggle, and demonstrates the cyclical nature of key debates within the republican leadership. Personal testimonies of key players demonstrate a nuanced spectrum of opinion on the current armed campaign regarding utility and morality; and republican views are presented on whether or not there should be any republican prisoners at present. Through unique interviews with a spokespersons for the Continuity and REAL IRAs, this book delves into the psyche of those involved in the armed campaign. Key themes explored throughout the book include the drawling of the fault lines, the varied strands of ‘dissidence’, ceasefires and decommissioning, the Good Friday Agreement, policing, ‘IRA policing’, legitimacy and mandates.

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Leanne McCormick

intent on retaining links with Britain and appeared to have little in common with its Catholic southern counterpart, on issues pertaining to sexuality and, in particular female sexuality, they displayed more similarities than differences. Both governments saw their state as being morally superior to the British mainland. Maintaining high moral standards, or at least maintaining the image of high moral standards, was important to both the Churches and the government in Northern Ireland. Policing female sexuality played a crucial role. Women were seen as representing the

in Regulating sexuality
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Northern Ireland’s unique history with DDR
Carolyn Gallaher

engaged in internal violence and would work to prevent a collapse of the Assembly.41 Northern Ireland police data on paramilitary ‘punishments’ (assaults and shootings) confirms that the paramilitaries felt little pressure to ramp down their use of internal violence after 1998.42 Between roughly 1998 and 2004, for example, paramilitary assaults continued with the number of attacks hovering around 150 per year. During the same period, paramilitary shootings averaged about seventy-five per year.43 Although paramilitary ‘punishments’ began to decline (albeit slowly) in

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Comparing the Sunningdale Agreement and the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement
Thomas Hennessey

Catholic minority identify with the police force and give it their support against criminals and extremists. Faulkner commented that the Unionist Party would have great difficulty in agreeing to a Northern Ireland police authority being appointed by the Council in the way suggested; he also opposed the altering of the RUC’s name (TNA, CJ4/474). The compromise, brokered by Heath, was for the Irish government to set up a police authority, appointments to which would be made after consultation with the Council of Ministers on the Council of Ireland. In the case of the

in Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers’ Council strike and the struggle for democracy in Northern Ireland
Irish republican media activism since the Good Friday Agreement
Author: Paddy Hoey

Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism.

Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence.

Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles.

This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.

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Sophie A. Whiting

. Quirk, Peace Building in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa (Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2000).   7 J. Darby and R. Mac Ginty, The Management of Peace Processes (Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2000), p. 1.  8 Ibid., p. 8.   9 See S. J. Stedman, ‘Spoiler Problems in Peace Processes’, International Security 22, no. 2 (1997), pp. 5–53. 10 Police Service of Northern Ireland, Police Recorded Security Situation Statistics: Annual Report Covering the Period 1st April 2011 – 31st March 2012 (Belfast, Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, 2012). 11 Security

in Spoiling the peace?
Marisa McGlinchey

, interview with the author, Belfast, 8 May 2014. 21 Ibid. 22 ‘Nationalists reject policing figures’ (14 June 2001). . Accessed 23 July 2018. 23 OMNIBUS survey, ‘Public perceptions of the police, PCSPs and the Northern Ireland policing Board’, published by the Northern Ireland policing board (April 2017). . Accessed 23 July 2018. 24 PSNI, ‘Workforce composition statistics’. Information is

in Unfinished business
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

the law enforcement system. The Northern Ireland police – known as the Royal Ulster Constabulary – was almost exclusively Protestant, and so was much of the judiciary. It was therefore suspected (with varying degrees of justification) that Catholics were also discriminated against in the criminal justice system. As the 1960s wore on, the Catholic minority found it could less and less rely on the forces of law and order. Indeed many actually felt directly threatened by them. This is a key ingredient in the recipe for conflict To add to the political and religious

in Understanding British and European political issues
Sophie A. Whiting

(London, Penguin, 2002).   4 Police Service of Northern Ireland, Police Recorded Security Situation Statistics: Annual Report Covering the Period 1st April 2011 – 31st March 2012 (Belfast, Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency, May 2012).  5 Ibid.  6 Oral Evidence of Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde OBE, Assistant Chief Constable  Judith Gillespie and Chief Inspector Sam Cordner, House of Commons Northern Ireland Select Committee (HC 1174–i), 5 November 2008, available at cmniaf/c1174–i/c117402

in Spoiling the peace?
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Ireland in a changed Union
Ben Tonra

Public Administration . McDonald , H. ( 2017 ) ‘Brexit border “would make sitting ducks of Northern Ireland police”’. Guardian , 15 January. Available at: [accessed 20 September 2020]. McGee , H. ( 2016 ) ‘Eirexit: could Ireland follow Britain out of the EU?’ The Irish Times , 12 November

in Ireland and the European Union