Leslie C. Green

territory; such change be effected only by a peace treaty or by annexation followed by recognition. The former sovereign remains sovereign and there is no change in the nationality of the inhabitants. Their allegiance does not change, and the Occupying Power may not compel them to swear an oath of allegiance to itself, nor compel them to serve in its armed or auxiliary forces, 9 or impart information concerning

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Third edition
Author: Leslie C. Green

It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.

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Leslie C. Green

, 6 and these provisions were expanded by Protocol I, 1977. 7 Those protected The Convention applies only to civilians in the hands of or under the physical control of an adverse party or an Occupying Power. Those in their own territory are, for the main part, protected only by the general rules limiting warlike acts and

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
John Anderson

position during the first years of martial law, and despite the formal denunciations coming from Rome, Catholic charities backed by the episcopate provided over 150,000 tons of food aid in 1981–85 and continued to take up individual cases of injustice. All of these activities were aimed not just at defending religious interests or even the general defence of human rights, but at helping Polish society to breathe more freely. Equally, the ability of the Catholic Church to play the ‘defender of the nation’ role was aided by the fact that the ‘occupyingpower was perceived

in Christianity and democratisation
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Leslie C. Green

. Others already had organised corps of civil defence workers able to operate in any emergency, man-made or natural. There was, however, no special recognition of the existence of this service or of any need to protect its personnel in the event of armed conflict. The nearest one comes to finding any recognition of such a service is in Article 63 of the Civilians Convention, 1949, 2 requiring an Occupying Power to allow national Red

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Leslie C. Green

territory occupied by the adverse party, the Protecting Power must satisfy the country of transit that these supplies will be used solely for the benefit of the population of the occupied territory and not by the Occupying Power. The distribution of relief consignments is supervised by the Protecting Power, and if the Occupying Power wishes to divert them from their intended purpose it must satisfy the

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
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Grave breaches
Christine Byron

Here the Court found that the conflict in Ituri in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was in fact international as a result of the intervention of Uganda, which was an Occupying Power in the region because of the actions of its armed forces, which had established and exercised authority there. 51 Nevertheless the Court also commented that a conflict could be internationalised in circumstances when armed forces act on behalf of a foreign State and followed the approach of the Tadić Appeal Judgement, stating that ‘where a State does not intervene directly on the

in War crimes and crimes against humanity in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
François Burgat

repression orchestrated by the occupying power and its local and international backers. Before scribbling yet another op-ed, I attempted to give it a resonance that would outstrip little me. I thus had to have my call to put an end to the boycott of Hamas cosigned by someone as different from me as possible. I determined to seek out a woman (since Hamas purportedly persecuted women) and, if possible, if not an Israeli woman, then a Jewish one. A friend well acquainted with the political labyrinths of the French Jewish “community” to which she refuses to be circumscribed

in Understanding Political Islam
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Paul Kelemen

of having violated the Geneva conventions by blowing up villages and houses as reprisal for Palestinian armed attacks on Israel. Later the same year, a UN Investigation Committee, composed of representatives from three nonaligned countries, Ceylon, Somalia and Yugoslavia, reported after visiting the West Bank: ‘The occupying power is pursuing a conscious and deliberate policy calculated to depopulate the occupied territories of their Arab inhabitants’.1 In 1972, the executive of the Liberal Party’s student organisation decided to run a campaign on Palestinian

in The British left and Zionism