The Leveller movement of the 1640s campaigned for religious toleration and a radical remaking of politics after the English civil war. This book challenges received ideas about the Levellers as social contract theorists and Leveller thought as a mere radicalization of parliamentarian thought, analysing the writings of the Leveller leaders John Lilburne, Richard Overton, and William Walywn to show that that the Levellers’ originality lay in their subtle and unexpected combination of different strands within parliamentarianism. The first part of the book offers a systematic analysis of different aspects of the Levellers’ developing political thought, considering their accounts of the origins of government, their developing views on the relationship between parliament and people, their use of the language of the law, and their understanding of the relationship between religious liberty and political life. Two concluding chapters examine the Levellers’ relationship with the New Model Army and the influence of the Levellers on the republican thought of the 1650s. The book takes full account of revisionist and post-revisionist scholarship, and contributes to historical debates on the development of radical and republican politics in the civil war period, the nature of tolerationist thought, the significance of the Leveller movement, and the extent of Leveller influence in the ranks of the New Model Army.
This collection explores how concepts of intellectual or learning disability evolved from a range of influences, gradually developing from earlier and decidedly distinct concepts, including ‘idiocy’ and ‘folly’, which were themselves generated by very specific social and intellectual environments. With essays extending across legal, educational, literary, religious, philosophical, and psychiatric histories, this collection maintains a rigorous distinction between historical and contemporary concepts in demonstrating how intellectual disability and related notions were products of the prevailing social, cultural, and intellectual environments in which they took form, and themselves performed important functions within these environments. Focusing on British and European material from the middle ages to the late nineteenth century, this collection asks ‘How and why did these concepts form?’ ‘How did they connect with one another?’ and ‘What historical circumstances contributed to building these connections?’ While the emphasis is on conceptual history or a history of ideas, these essays also address the consequences of these defining forces for the people who found themselves enclosed by the shifting definitional field.
, Regimental History, pp. 221–2; Woolrych, p. 293.
37 The Army’s Martyr ([7 May] 1649), pp. 6, 11–12. Gentles, pp. 326–9 on Lockyer’s mutiny,
death, and funeral.
38 Lilburne, The Just Mans Justification, with letter to the adjutators dated 27 August; Clarke
MSS, vol. 41, fol. 164v: paper of 6 July 1647.
39 D. R. Adams, ‘Religion and reason in the thought of Richard Overton, the Leveller’ (PhD
dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2003), p. 130; ODNB, s.v. ‘Overton, Richard’,
40 Richard Baxter, Reliquiae Baxterianae (1696), p. 53, speaks explicitly of
parliament, however, saw him dismissed, tried and
sentenced to execution in November 1654, only for Cromwell to commute the sentence. In the later decade he associated with radical Fifth Monarchists and republicans.
18 Overton] Richard Overton (fl. 1640–63), Leveller pamphleteer who criticized
Cromwell for aspiring to replace the monarchy with a new regal structure. Evidence of
a payment he received in 1653 from the Protectorate suggests that he may have become
a double agent.
19 Bradshaw] John Bradshaw (1602–59), lawyer and regicide. He was a chief republican