Following an extended period of neglect, the early 1840s saw a dramatic revival
of interest in English church music and its history, which coincided with the
period of heightened religious sensitivity between the publication of Newman‘s
Tract 90 in early 1841 and his conversion to Roman Catholicism in October 1845.
This article examines the activities and writings of three men who made
important contributions to the reformation of the music of the English church
that took place at this time: Rev. Frederick Oakeley; Rev. John Jebb and the
painter William Dyce. It pays particular attention to the relationship between
their beliefs about and attitudes towards the English Reformation and their
musical activities, and argues that such important works as Jebb‘s monumental
Choral Service of the United Church of England and Ireland
(1843) are best understood in the context of the religious and ecclesiological
debates that were raging at that time.
Henry Manning’s (1808–92) transition from Anglican to Roman Catholic convert has not received the extensive attention that John Henry Newman’s journey to Roman Catholicism has received. Though more than a half dozen treatments have appeared in recent decades, newly acquired archival resources received by the Westminster Diocesan Archives in 2014 warrant a new appraisal of the events leading to his conversion. How could a committed adherent of the Oxford Movement, who did not initially follow Newman’s example in 1845, make the decision to leave the Church of his birth in 1851? What interior process enabled Archdeacon Henry Manning to preside over the assembly of Chichester clergy that condemned ‘papal aggression’ in 1850, and announce at the conclusion of the vote that he would be received into the Roman communion? This article outlines undercurrents in Manning’s thought, traces of which can be found in his undergraduate years, and considers concepts that culminated in the decision that changed his life, and guided his Roman Catholic ecclesial outlook. His role in shaping the agenda of Vatican I and the post-conciliar era heightens the significance of this background.
This article charts and discusses the reasons for various significant shifts and
developments during the nineteenth century of the reception of the Reformation
amongst different denominations and groups within British Protestantism.
Attitudes towards Foxes ‘Book of Martyrs’ are explored as but one among several
litmus tests of the breakdown of an earlier fragile consensus based on
anti-Catholicism as a unifying principle, with the Oxford Movement and the
intra-Protestant reaction to it identified as a crucial factor. The selfidentity
of the various British Protestant,denominations, notably the various
Nonconformist bodies as well as the established Church and evangelicalism per se
was at stake in the process of ‘reception’. Moreover, the emergence of more
secular Protestant understandings of the significance of the Reformation as an
essential stage in the emergence of modernity and liberty, often at odds with
nineteenth-century evangelical theological interpretations of its meaning and
legacy, are also highlighted. The result is an attempt to transcend the
traditional focus on Protestant-Catholic disputes over the Reformation in
narrowly bipolar terms.
Looking for Typological Treasure with William Jones of Nayland and E. B. Pusey
This article compares the typological exegesis promoted by E. B. Pusey (1800–82) and his colleagues John Henry Newman and John Keble with that of their eighteenth-century Hutchinsonian predecessor William Jones of Nayland (1726–1800). Building on Peter Nockles’s argument that Jones’s emphasis on the figurative character of biblical language foreshadows the Tractarian application of the sacramental principle to exegesis, this article shows how this common approach differs from the more cautious one displayed by the High Church luminaries William Van Mildert and Herbert Marsh. At the same time, both Pusey’s criticism of the mainstream apologetics of his day and his more explicit application of the doctrine of the Incarnation to exegesis resulted in bolder interpretations and a greater emphasis on the necessity of figurative readings (of both the Bible and the natural world) than Jones generally proposed. A shared appreciation of the principle of reserve may explain both these differences and the Tractarian emphasis on a patristic, rather than a Hutchinsonian, inspiration for their approach.
That hostility to the Reformation was a feature of the Oxford Movements outlook
is a truism, but Tractarians’ anti-Reformation sentiments went much further than
the purely theological. Tractarians consistently held that in its repudiation of
antiquity and elevation of sola scriptura, the Reformation had
launched a wider rationalism whose socio-economic as well as religious
consequences they abhorred. If a Tractarian paternalism – which mourned the
welfare consequences of the dissolution of the monasteries, and the rise of
capitalism and its bourgeoisie,– had much in common with other
nineteenth-century social criticism, a crucial difference emerged at the point
of prescription. Their uncompromising advocacy of the church as the sole agency
of amelioration, and promotion of such schemes as sisterhoods, sharply
distinguished Tractarians,from advocates of legislative intervention or ethical
socialism. Tractarians therefore looked not forward, to the ideal of a welfare
state, but back, to the ideal of a welfare church.
This article focuses on the career and writings of a neglected eighteenth-century High Church cleric, Thomas Townson (1715–92). It aims to restate his contemporary prominence as a writer and pastor and present fresh research into the intergenerational transmission and reception of High Church ideas and practices within a distinctive religio-political milieu in Staffordshire and Cheshire. In this recovery of contexts, it notes Townson’s relatively slight inspirational importance within both the Hackney Phalanx and the earlier Oxford Movement, and argues that, while there were undoubted continuities and connections between the Georgian Church of England and the Tractarians, Townson’s marginality for most of the latter serves to confirm Peter Nockles’s emphasis on the Oxford Movement as, in many senses, a ‘new start’.
Charlotte Yonge and the ‘martial ardour’ of ‘a soldier’s daughter’
may be seen as a vacuum in the
field of human knowledge once the Enlightenment removed God from
the scene’.7 Such a statement is inappropriate for families such as the
Yonges, living as they did in John Keble’s parish of Hursley, deeply
absorbed with him and others in the crusade of the OxfordMovement
to restore religious reverence. Various scholars have commented on the
close relationship, first identified by Stephen Prickett in 1976, between
Romanticism and the OxfordMovement.8 Keble and his associates
were not only in sympathy with the attitudes of the Romantic
A few years before Pugin published
Contrasts another response to the pre-Reformation period – this
time theological – started to take shape. The OxfordMovement was a
theological renaissance that reinterpreted the identity of the Church of
England in terms of its pre-Reformation roots. 29 If there was a tendency common to all
followers of the OxfordMovement, or ‘Tractarians’; as they
searched for historical support for their position.
The Oxfordmovement and the history of the Reformation
The Oxfordmovement stressed the unbroken traditions of the
English Church – the Catholic faith, the Catholic heritage, the apostolic succession. Neither John Keble nor J.H. Newman was
enamoured of the Reformation, but both hesitated to impugn it in
public. Both men were influenced by a much bolder spirit – (Richard)
Hurrell Froude (1803–36). Froude was the eldest son of Robert
Froude, Archdeacon of Totnes. He attended Oxford in the early