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A road to nowhere

6 India and Pakistan: a road to nowhere The surprise invitation to Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, along with other South Asian leaders, by the newly elected Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, to his government’s inauguration in May 2014 had led some to hope that this might be a new beginning in India–Pakistan relations. But that was not to be. The Indian Foreign Secretary was scheduled to travel to Islamabad for talks with her Pakistani counterpart in August 2014, the first meeting at this level since September 2012. India decided to call off these

in Indian foreign policy

hierarchical. Security Advisor, 2012–16 Task One: Training the Heads of Mission Two months after I started as MdM’s security advisor I travelled to Yemen, Afghanistan and Pakistan. I discovered very different security practices and cultures, reflecting the experience of each head of mission. There was no MdM ‘security method’. Different heads of mission used different tools and had different security rules and levels of risk-taking. In Kabul, some of the expats would go jogging in a nearby park, while in Islamabad even walking on the street was prohibited. Each team

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Farm ’, Vice , 22 August 22 , https://news.vice.com/en_ca/article/594ekk/iran-russia-facebook-twitter-disinformation (accessed 28 September 2018) . Goldman , R. ( 2016 ), ‘ Reading Fake News, Pakistani Minister Directs Nuclear Threat at Israel ’, New York Times , www.nytimes.com/2016/12/24/world/asia/pakistan-israel-khawaja-asif-fake-news-nuclear.html?_r=0 (accessed 8 August 2018) . Guess , A. , Nyhan , B. and Reifler , J. ( 2018 ), ‘ All Media Trust Is Local? Findings from the 2018 Poynter Media

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

exaggeration, but Brazil is generally well received in Africa. So we have potential to make a positive contribution – more than many other countries. We don’t face any serious external threats. India, for example, has an ongoing conflict with Pakistan, and it has had confrontations with China. South Africa doesn’t have the size, nor is it well located geographically. There is going to be a seminar on democracy in the coming weeks, motivated by Lula’s situation. The seminar was the suggestion of Dominique de Villepin, who was French foreign minister and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

by those claiming to adhere to the same principle of impartiality to be convinced of this, though few will agree: every humanitarian aid programme has inclusion criteria limiting the so-called ‘beneficiary’ population, thus excluding those who do not meet those criteria, despite the fact that they do have needs. Aid providers tend to consider as needs that which is on their list of services, as Marion Péchayre’s survey in Pakistan shows ( Lachenal et al. , 2014 ). As the author points out, the concept of need is relational, in the sense that it depends on who is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

. As the Americans joined the fray post World War II (after Nazi Germany’s attempt to exterminate the Jews, and after the US dropped two atomic bombs on civilians without warning), we can fast-forward to the use of nerve agents in Vietnam, the mass bombing of civilians in Cambodia, the giving of a green light to the government in East Pakistan to commit genocide in what is now Bangladesh or the political support the US gave to Pinochet and the Khmer Rouge. We can go back to the time when Hitler used US race laws as a model for the Third Reich

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Cricket, Culture and Society

Sports history offers many profound insights into the character and complexities of modern imperial rule. This book examines the fortunes of cricket in various colonies as the sport spread across the British Empire. It helps to explain why cricket was so successful, even in places like India, Pakistan and the West Indies where the Anglo-Saxon element remained in a small minority. The story of imperial cricket is really about the colonial quest for identity in the face of the colonisers' search for authority. The cricket phenomenon was established in nineteenth-century England when the Victorians began glorifying the game as a perfect system of manners, ethics and morals. Cricket has exemplified the colonial relationship between England and Australia and expressed imperialist notions to the greatest extent. In the study of the transfer of imperial cultural forms, South Africa provides one of the most fascinating case studies. From its beginnings in semi-organised form through its unfolding into a contemporary internationalised structure, Caribbean cricket has both marked and been marked by a tight affiliation with complex social processing in the islands and states which make up the West Indies. New Zealand rugby demonstrates many of the themes central to cricket in other countries. While cricket was played in India from 1721 and the Calcutta Cricket Club is probably the second oldest cricket club in the world, the indigenous population was not encouraged to play cricket.

The development of the Indo-Pakistani borderlands

In Saadat Hasan Manto’s short story ‘Toba Tek Singh’, a man from a village in the Indo-Pakistani borderlands refuses to choose between the two states and dies in the no-man’s-land along the boundary. The West Punjabi town of Toba Tek Singh, from which Manto’s tale takes its name and its protagonist his nickname, was one of many affected by the Indo-Pakistani boundary. The

in Borders and conflict in South Asia
The Radcliffe boundary commission and the partition of Punjab

This book is the first full-length study of the 1947 drawing of the Indo-Pakistani boundary in Punjab. It uses the Radcliffe commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe , as a window onto the decolonisation and independence of India and Pakistan. Examining the competing interests that influenced the actions of the various major players, the book highlights British efforts to maintain a grip on India even as the decolonisation process spun out of control. It examines the nature of power relationships within the colonial state, with a focus on the often-veiled exertion of British colonial power. With conflict between Hindus , Muslims and Sikhs reaching unprecedented levels in the mid-1940s , British leaders felt compelled to move towards decolonization. The partition was to be perceived as a South Asian undertaking, with British officials acting only as steady and impartial guides. Radcliffe's use of administrative boundaries reinforced the impact of imperial rule. The boundaries that Radcliffe defined turned out to be restless divisions, and in both the 1965 and 1971 wars India and Pakistan battled over their Punjabi border. After the final boundary, known as the 'Radcliffe award', was announced, all sides complained that Radcliffe had not taken the right 'other factors' into account. Radcliffe's loyalty to British interests is key to understanding his work in 1947. Drawing on extensive archival research in India, Pakistan and Britain, combined with innovative use of cartographic sources, the book paints a vivid picture of both the partition process and the Radcliffe line's impact on Punjab.

The aftermath

independence, on 9 August, a special train carrying Pakistan Government employees and their families from Delhi to Karachi was derailed by a mine laid under the tracks. Although the human damage from this attack was limited to about ten people injured and two killed by the force of the derailment itself, worse was to come. This was also the day that rumours first leaked out that Radcliffe intended to award a

in Borders and conflict in South Asia