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Editor: Julian Hoppit

In 1660 the four nations of the British Isles were governed by one imperial crown but by three parliaments. The abolition of the Scottish and Irish Parliaments in 1707 and 1800 created a United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland centred upon the Westminster legislature. This book takes state formation. A number of important points emerge, however, the book deals with three. The first and most obvious point is that the unions were limited in scope and were palpably not incorporating . The second point is that, depending upon the issue, parliament required or encouraged not only different arguments but different voices. The final conclusion to emerge from these essays is that utility of 'national identity' as a way of understanding how people in the period conceived of themselves and their relationship to the state is not as clear and certain as might be first thought. National identity was one amongst a number of geo-political communities people might belong to, albeit a very important one. Inasmuch as the Westminster parliament provided a forum in which debates about how to legislate for three kingdoms took place, in its own way it helped to reinforce awareness of that difference. Liverpool petitions allow us to explore the intersection between policy debate and imperial identity during a pivotal era in the evolution of the British Empire. After 1832, virtual representation, though it survived in many different ways, became associated in the colonial context with nabobs and planters, the very demons of 'old Corruption'.

Ireland as a case study
Author: Gavin Barrett

The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has developed considerably over time. This book focuses on one parliament as a case study in this regard: the national parliament of Ireland, the Oireachtas. The basic structure of that parliament is modelled on that of the United Kingdom. Like the United Kingdom, Ireland joined the then European Communities on 1 January 1973. Within a relatively short period from the date of Ireland's joining the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973, it became clear that major structural change to the Communities would be needed if the EEC were ever to fulfil its potential. The book examines the initial adaptations of its parliament to European integration and how Ireland's domestic parliamentary accommodation of membership slowly changed over time. It focuses on the considerable impact on domestic parliamentary arrangements of the recent banking and foreign debt crises and of the Treaty of Lisbon. An assessment of the role of the Oireachtas in European law and policy during the lifetimes of the 30th Dail (2007-11) and the 31st Dail (2011-16) follows. The book discusses the formation of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on European Union Affairs, which held its first meeting in private on 19 July 2016, and its first public meeting on 7 September. However, Ireland's position as a "slow adaptor" to European integration has meant that the Oireachtas has had more ground to make up than many other legislatures.

Who polices the rules?
Philip Norton

The courts interpret and apply acts of Parliament, that is, outputs of Parliament. What happens up to the point of enactment is primarily deemed a matter for Parliament. The courts recognise that Parliament, and each House, enjoys exclusive cognisance, that is, the capacity to resolve its own affairs, free from judicial interference. This capacity pre-dates the Bill of Rights 1689 and is not conferred by statute, but derives from the fact that Parliament, as the high court of Parliament, was considered to have its own distinctive law . Though lawyers have

in Governing Britain
Ian W. Archer

Elizabethan chroniclers and parliament Chapter 6 Elizabethan chroniclers and parliament Ian W. Archer C hronicles, annalistic in form and eclectic in content, remained the dominant form of historical writing for much of Elizabeth’s reign, only displaced by the new humanist histories from the 1590s onwards. Through the prolific labours of John Stow chronicles were made available in varying formats and at different prices which broadened their audience. Chroniclers recycled material from each other, albeit with significant differences in selection and emphasis

in Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England
Anthony Musson

T HE emergence of parliament as an important forum for legal and political matters was a significant feature of the period 1215–1381. Parliament provided a focal point where views were expressed on issues of constitutional import connected to the Crown’s jurisdiction and the nature of royal governance, on problems of law and order and on many other issues within a

in Medieval law in context
Strangers, foes or friends?
Philip Norton

Whereas Chapter 2 addressed a hierarchy of principles (parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law), here we address institutional relationships. The creation of the UK supreme court in 2009, replacing the appellate committee of the House of Lords as the nation’s highest court, raised the issue of the relationship between this new distinct body and the other elements of the constitutional system – the executive and Parliament. How has the relationship of the court to each other element changed in recent years? Three models have been developed that provide a

in Governing Britain
The evolution of colonial institution

Traditional histories of parliament, whether Irish or otherwise, have generally treated them as political events. This book considers the seventeenth-century Irish Parliament as an ongoing element within the state. It considers the role of parliament within the context of an overall state apparatus of governance and charts its development over time. While parliament developed in conjunction with the Irish state, local politicians, and local institutions, it was also a colonial institution, taking direction from Westminster on how to operate. Whether by design or by chance, it resembles the Westminster model of parliamentary procedure, but it also had specifically Irish traits in how it dispatched its business. This book describes a developing institution chiefly through the work that it undertook. Most will be well aware of parliament’s work on legislation and the creation of law and also representation of communities and locations, but it spent large amounts of time hearing petitions and undertaking judicial work. It undertook these ever-increasing responsibilities with a growing group of parliamentary officers, who had a wide variety of powers and responsibilities. Naturally this led to a sophisticated set of procedures and privileges in undertaking this work in order to increase its efficiency and productivity. This book discusses topics and describes processes that are still very much a cornerstone for today’s parliamentary democracy in Ireland and will resonate in Irish institutional culture and elsewhere in the common law world.

Alexandra Kelso

2 Historical institutionalism and parliament Introduction To understand why parliamentary reform does or does not take place requires a prior understanding of the context in which it does or does not occur. The characteristics of the institution of parliament are a product of its historical development, and that development has fostered the emergence of particular norms and values that continue to shape its functioning and capabilities. Crucially, parliament cannot be understood in isolation from government and, consequently, parliamentary reform cannot be

in Parliamentary reform at Westminster
An alternative model?
David Arter

9 The Nordic parliaments: an alternative model? It is characteristic of this classical agricultural country and of the great importance of the farming community in Danish political affairs that the rear seats in the assembly should be known earthily as the ‘dung channel’ or grebningen – that is, the gutter behind cattle in a cow-shed! (Andersen 1974: 5) Any television producer charged with making a series of half-hour programmes on the Nordic parliaments without inducing a soporific switch-off among the viewing public should have no shortage of material with

in Scandinavian politics today
Alexandra Kelso

1 Parliament and parliamentary reform For some time, there has been a sense that something is wrong with politics. Declining electoral turnout across many liberal democracies in recent decades has prompted concerns that the public has become disaffected about, and disengaged from, political processes and political institutions. As Stoker (2006: 7) notes,‘there appears to be a considerable amount of discontent and disenchantment about the operation of democracy both in those countries that have practiced democracy for decades and those that are more recent

in Parliamentary reform at Westminster