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The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

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Stephen C. Neff

foreign-policy ‘pillar’ with possible integration of defence policies in the future. The ‘Partnership for Peaceprogramme of the NATO alliance embraces such traditionally neutral countries as Sweden and Switzerland. Historical perspective, however, must lead to instant suspicions of any claims of the death of neutrality. Twice in the twentieth century, the obituaries proved false. Perhaps the single greatest lesson of

in The rights and duties of neutrals
Tom Gallagher

towards the East appeared an increasing possibility from 1994 onwards. Membership was seen as a largely cost-free undertaking, largely involving the need to downsize and modernise the armed forces. Such technical adjustments were unlikely to really affect the way political power was exercised in Romania. Romania sought to court the USA not by speeding up reform but by responding with alacrity to foreign policy initiatives from Washington. Thus, it was the first former communist state to formally apply to join the Partnership for Peace programme launched in January 1994

in Romania and the European Union
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

ratification of the US–Russia START I Treaty reducing intercontinental nuclear missiles; the entry into force of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty limiting troop levels all over Europe; and NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme, also including Russia. The European Union’s Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) collapsed in 1993 but was revived in a more flexible form, permitting plans for Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) to proceed. The conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the establishment in 1995 of the World Trade Organisation meant a major push for Europe toward

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

1994 Partnership for Peace programme. In the end, however, the decision on membership would be taken as much on political grounds as on the basis of technical criteria. Address by President George W. Bush to faculty and students of Warsaw University, Warsaw, Poland, 15 June 2001 (www.whitehouse.gov/news/ releases/2001/06/20010615-1). 186 22/9/03, 1:53 pm A new NATO 187 17 The Ballistic Missile Defence is to consist of five sub-systems: (1) a satelliteborne early warning system; (2) an additional earthbound early warning system, permitting more precise

in Destination Europe
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Ana E. Juncos

mission. 2005: Negotiations on a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between the EU and Bosnia begin. December 2006: Bosnia joins NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme. April 2008: Bosnian parliament approves police reform plan. June 2008: SAA signed between EU and Bosnia. November

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
From Cold War ‘security threats’ to the ‘security challenges’ of today
David Arter

non-alignment and a credible national defence’, both Finland and Sweden sought a close working relationship with NATO through membership of the Partnership for Peace programme and have undertaken to participate in the 25,000-strong NATO Response Force. NATO, in short, forms an integral part of the security landscape of northern Europe today, in a way that would have been inconceivable even in the later years of the Cold War. The changing security environment of the Nordic region 289 The same could be said of the EU, although there is, of course, no equivalent to

in Scandinavian politics today
Open Access (free)
Yalta farewell; how new a world?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

’. NATO reacted quickly. In 1992 it created the North Atlantic Cooperation Council as a forum in which NATO and Central and Eastern European countries could discuss issues of common security. It was soon followed (in 1994) by the Partnership for Peace programme, aiming to involve also non-NATO member states in European peacekeeping. Meanwhile, NATO members reduced and reconfigured their armed forces to achieve better peacekeeping and crisis management. US forces in Germany, for example, were down to 35 per cent of their pre-1989 level by the mid-1990s. The European

in Destination Europe
Timothy Edmunds

he was still in place. This stance had direct ramifications for FRJ’s evolving relationship with the Alliance and particularly its potential membership of the Partnership for Peace programme (PfP). Koštunica eventually moved to dismiss his controversial Chief of Staff in March 2002, soon after the Perišić affair. However, he did not manage to do so successfully until late

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
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From stabilisation to integration
Ana E. Juncos

reform (in line with the Partnership for Peace programme), but also with other tasks such as counter-terrorism and the detention of persons indicted for war crimes. The division of tasks between the NATO and the EU mission thus became a contentious issue at the politico-strategic level. Many member states saw this as a source of potential conflicts between the two missions and as proof of the US’s lack

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia