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This book deals with the evolution, current status and potential of U.S.–India strategic cooperation. From very modest beginnings, the U.S.–India strategic partnership has developed significantly over the decade 2010–20. In considerable part this growth has stemmed from overlapping concerns about the rise and assertiveness of the People’s Republic of China as well as the instability of Pakistan. Despite the emergence of this partnership, however, significant differences remain. Some of them stem from Cold War legacies, others from divergent global strategic interests and from differences in institutional design. Despite these areas of discord, the overall trajectory of the relationship appears promising. Increased cooperation in several sectors of the relationship and closer policy coordination underscore a deepening of the relationship, while fundamental differences in national approaches to strategic challenges demand flexibility and compromise in the future.

Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

Introduction The path to statehood for the People’s Republic of China (PRC) surely stands as one of the most violent and traumatic in modern history. The political arithmetic of lives lost through imperial conquests, interstate and civil wars, revolution, violent ‘struggle sessions’ ( pidou ) and horrific famine recalls the kind of grim, impersonal

in Violence and the state
Jonathan Chatwin

A little walk east, no more than fifteen minutes from Muxidi, and a broken rainbow reaches across the breadth of Long Peace Street, the gap missing from its arc framing a first view of Beijing’s centre. On the city’s eastern side is a matching arch: both were erected to commemorate the transfer of Hong Kong from Britain to the People’s Republic of China in 1997. 1 A few years before the handover, a clock had been erected in Tiananmen Square, ticking down the seconds until the archipelago was returned to the embrace of the motherland

in Long Peace Street
Jonathan Chatwin

1949. Just below the balcony hangs an enormous painted portrait of the Chairman, a faint smile at the edge of his lips. To either side of Mao’s visage run a pair of slogans: Long Live the People’s Republic of China and Long Live the Great Unity of the World’s Peoples . Around you likely congregate some of the World’s Peoples, snapping photos to share back home when they once again can access Facebook, Instagram, Twitter. Here I am, at the middle of the Middle Kingdom. Invisible behind the Gate of Heavenly

in Long Peace Street
Abstract only
Jonathan Chatwin

the imposition of order by a cruel hand. And even this did not last, for – unsatisfied with simply ruling its people – the Communist government of the People’s Republic of China, installed as rulers in the last year of the 1940s, decided it was necessary to forcibly change them, and implemented catastrophic social engineering projects to modify their behaviour and reshape the nation. If the twenty-first century will be looked back on, as some have said, as the ‘Chinese Century’, the twentieth was something very nearly the opposite of that

in Long Peace Street
Abstract only
An uneasy relationship
Harsh V. Pant

imperative in order to avoid interference by the two external superpowers.5 Solidarity with China was integral to Nehru’s vision of Asian leadership. After the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded in 1949 and India established diplomatic ties with it in 1950, India not only advocated for PRC membership at the United Nations but also opposed attempts to condemn the PRC for its actions in Korea. Yet the issue of Tibet soon emerged as a major bone of contention between China and India. New Delhi sought to allay Beijing’s suspicions about Indian designs on Tibet by

in Indian foreign policy
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives
Joseph Eaton

tradition of rebellion against Olympic authorities. In 1962, under pressure from Arab states and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Indonesian Olympic Committee (Komite Olahraga Nasional Indonesia) prevented athletes and officials from both the Republic of China (ROC) and Israel from receiving visas to attend the fourth Asian Games. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) responded by suspending Indonesia, the first suspension in that governing body’s history. The Indonesian rejoinder far outweighed the nation’s miniscule Olympic profile. President Sukarno

in Sport and diplomacy
The Chinese ping-pong team visits Africa in 1962
Amanda Shuman

, including ping-pong, for diplomacy. There had been an official desire in China to see athletes represent the nation through their athletic success on the world stage for several decades prior to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949.3 The PRC leadership, however, was the first to use international sport for its broader foreign and domestic policy goals. In the 1950s, as the PRC battled with the Republic of China (ROC-Taiwan) for international recognition in sport and beyond, sport became a prominent site for legitimising the new socialist state

in Sport and diplomacy
Three visions of making China great again
Stefan R. Landsberger

Realising the Chinese Dream: three visions of making China great again Stefan R. Landsberger The founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on 1 October 1949 ended a long period of imperialism, internal strife and war. Under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), modernisation became the most important task. During the first three decades of CCP rule, propaganda posters were part of a concerted media strategy to mobilise the population to contribute to China’s reconstruction. Ideological purity and revolutionary motivation were considered to be important

in Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution
The ‘drift’ phenomenon in the ‘free Tibet’ and global warming campaigns
Stephen Noakes

People’s Republic of China, 1992). Indeed, mere dialogue with independence advocates is a non-​ starter for the regime, and is seen by the Party as a potential threat to China’s own territorial integrity and the Party’s monopoly on shaping Chinese identity. The primary effect of the campaign has instead been to increase visibility of the Tibet issue on the world stage. Since fleeing his homeland as a young man in 1959, the Dalai Lama has worked tirelessly to put his message of peaceful resistance before the global public, linking the struggle of the Tibetan people to

in The advocacy trap