This edited volume examines how and under which conditions foreign policy
analysis can be enriched by “domestic realm” public policy approaches, concepts,
and theories. Public policy scholars dealing with the analysis of domestic
policy fields, such as social and economic policy, interior affairs, or
environmental policy, use a broad array of heuristics, concepts, and theories,
including, for example, multiple streams, advocacy coalition or punctuated
equilibrium approaches. However, the possible contribution of such approaches to
the analysis of foreign policy has yet to be fully explored. With this purpose
in mind, this edited volume devotes a chapter each on a selection of arguably
the most important domestic public policy approaches and examines their
transferability and adaptability to foreign policy analysis. Thereby the book
points out how bridging the intra-disciplinary divide between the analysis of
public policy and foreign policy can enrich foreign policy studies and shows how
exactly foreign policy analysis can benefit from broadening its instruments for
analysis. The edited volume also discusses under what conditions such a transfer
is less promising due to the “sui generis” character of foreign policy.
Pauper Policies examines how policies under both old and New Poor Laws were conceived, adopted, implemented, developed or abandoned. The author engages with recent literature on the experience and agency of poor relief recipients, and offers a fresh perspective on poor law administration. Through a ‘policy process’ approach, the author exposes several significant topics in poor law history which are currently unknown or poorly understood, each of which are explored in a series of thematic chapters. It contains important new research on the adoption and implementation of enabling acts at the end of the old poor laws, Gilbert’s Act of 1782 and Sturges Bourne’s Acts of 1818 and 1819; the exchange of knowledge about how best to provide poor relief in the final decades of the old poor law and formative decades of the New; and the impact of national scandals on policy-making in the new Victorian system. The volume points towards a new direction in the study of poor law administration, one which examines how people, both those in positions of power and the poor, could shape pauper policies. It is essential reading for anyone with an interest in welfare, poverty and society in eighteenth and nineteenth-century England, as well as those who want to understand the early workings of the welfare system.
As India has risen economically and militarily in recent years, its political clout on the global stage has also seen a commensurate increase. From the peripheries of international affairs, India is now at the centre of major power politics. It is viewed as a major balancer in the Asia-Pacific, a major democracy that can be a major ally of the West in countering China even as India continues to challenge the West on a whole range of issues – non-proliferation, global trade and climate change. Indian foreign policy was driven by a sense of idealism since its independence in 1947. India viewed global norms as important as it kept a leash on the interests of great powers and gave New Delhi “strategic autonomy” to pursue its interests. But as India itself has emerged as a major global power, its foreign policy has moved towards greater “strategic realism.” This book is an overview of Indian foreign policy as it has evolved in recent times. The focus of the book is on the 21st century with historical context provided as appropriate. It will be an introductory book on Indian foreign policy and is not intended to be a detailed examination of any of its particular aspects. It examines India’s relationships with major powers, with its neighbours and other regions, as well as India’s stand on major global issues. The central argument of the book is that with a gradual accretion in its powers, India has become more aggressive in the pursuit of its interests, thereby emerging as an important player in the shaping of the global order in the new millennium.
The European Union (EU), including its earlier formations, is a major economic and political actor in the region. This book seeks to gain insight into how EU practitioners consider the policy for which they have direct responsibility. It argues that a specific focus on practitioners' (diplomats, bureaucrats, and public officials) interactions can offer insight into the way EU foreign policy is practised. The book examines the data drawn from research interviews with EU practitioners who work on EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova. The ways that practitioners manage identity, normative, moral, and collective interest concerns are crucial for international relations (IR) theory, and for understanding EU foreign policy. The book illustrates the factors that have guided the path of the practice theory towards an application within IR and EU scholarship, and explains the notion of indexicality and the subsequent social action. It demonstrates the ways in which EU practitioners both co-construct and deconstruct the concept of the 'European' during research interviews, and focuses on norms and the functions of norms in EU foreign policy. Implying a vocational element to justify the necessary course of action that the EU ought to pursue in its eastern neighbourhood is not new. Practioners ought to be aware that the way in which they practise foreign policy is just as important as the policy itself. They have identified energy security as the most pressing common security interest that unites EU member states' interest into a collective interest, in the eastern neighbourhood.
The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
Policy diffusion describes a process through which policies spread from one governmental jurisdiction to multiple other jurisdictions, whereas policy transfer focuses on individual transfers of a policy from one jurisdiction to another. Policy diffusion could be characterized as a set of policy transfers. Diffusion generally focuses on structure and finding patterns, while transfer tends to concentrate on agency and individual cases (Biedenkopf et al. 2017 : 92–93). A defining feature of both policy diffusion and transfer is the
Since the 1970s, policy learning has been examined in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), bringing it more in line with public policy studies (PPS) where such changes have been analyzed since the 1940s. It follows that policy learning constitutes no stand-alone approach in Public Policy (PP) but rather figures as a central theoretical template in several approaches. The major difference vis-à-vis FPA learning, however, is that the latter foregrounds fundamental policy changes involving the learning agent’s identity or interests rather than
Policies from scandal
Why, Sir, until you passed this New Poor Law, the poor were ready
to shed their blood to defend their country. They are now compelled to sacrifice their liberty to save their lives. William Ferrand
The Poor Law Commission was granted a five-year extension in
1842, but was left to expire in 1847. In its short life, the Commission
was beset with countless problems, from poor administration to
the abuse of the poor themselves. These were listed at length by
opponents of the New Poor Law, including the Tory MP William
Policies from knowledge networks
Before the creation of the Poor Law Commission after the passage of
the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, there was no central welfare
authority to suggest the ways in which parishes should administer
poor relief. The basic nature of the stipulations of various statutory
poor laws, as discussed in preceding chapters, meant that parish officials were inclined to adhere to the generic stipulations of the old poor
laws and then adopt enabling Acts, or create Local Acts, as and when
the vestry desired. Vestries implemented