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Noah Millstone Chapter 8 The politic history of early Stuart parliaments Noah Millstone T he second session of the 1621 parliament ended in acrimony. Over December, communications between King James and his House of Commons became increasingly hostile, culminating in a scene of symbolic violence, as James ripped the lower House’s final protest from their Journal. What, exactly, had gone wrong? Robert Zaller and Conrad Russell, the two most prominent modern students of the session, trace the dispute to a series of misunderstandings leading to a clash of
Erotics of the body politic Erotics of the body politic: the naked and the clothed Supposing that Truth is a woman – what then? (Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil) The film Rang Rasiya (Colours of Passion, 2008) based on the life of Ravi Varma situates the Pauranik tale of Urvashi and Pururavas at the heart of the narrative to tell the story not only of star-crossed lovers but of the proscriptions of the naked body. The Pauranik version told the story of the heavenly nymph Urvashi who could marry the mortal Pururavas only under the condition that
matter moral, military, and politic, by which and in which you must ripen and settle your judgment’. 9 Most famously, the author of the anonymous ‘A.B.’ introduction to Sir Henry Savile’s English translation of four books of Tacitus’ Histories and the Life of Agricola – attributed to Essex himself – insisted: ‘there is no learning so proper for the direction of the life of man as Historie’. 10
This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.
medical inscriptions in a record. In the present case, that knowledge concerned administration of the vaccine being tested, its adverse effects (serious or not), doctor visits, nursing care, home visits, lab analysis of the samples collected, verbal autopsies, etc. According to Berg and Bowker (1997) , that information plays a major role in the production of a body politic. It describes the clinical work at the facility to which the patient goes for care. It can also be
This book approaches the rich and diverse figure of the earl by looking at a wealth of diverse visual and textual manifestations of Essex produced during the sixteenth century and up to the present day. It resituates his life and career within the richly diverse contours of his cultural and political milieu. Included in the discussion are not just those texts of which Essex is the subject, such as poems, portraits or films, but also those texts produced by Essex himself, including private letters, poems and entertainments. The book first offers important insights into the composition and ethos of the Essex circle. It then provides an important intervention in the debate about the relationship between Essex and the theatre and Essex and Shakespeare, considering his role as a patron of a company of players. The book also explains Essex's use of non-professional theatrical entertainments at court in 1595 to promote an agenda he had shared with Sidney by campaigning for an increased level of English involvement in international affairs. It deals with a frequently neglected entertainment called the device of the Indian Prince, referred to here as Seeing Love as it dramatises the story of the blind Indian prince. Finally, the book offers a detailed examination of Essex's relationship with another dangerously public discourse, 'politic history', by tracing the influence of a range of competing texts.
Dance has always been a method of self- expression for human beings. This book examines the political power of dance and especially its transgressive potential. Focusing on readings of dance pioneers Isadora Duncan and Martha Graham, Gumboots dancers in the gold mines of South Africa, the One Billion Rising movement using dance to protest against gendered violence, dabkeh in Palestine and dance as protest against human rights abuse in Israel, the Sun Dance within the Native American Crow tribe, the book focuses on the political power of dance and moments in which dance transgresses politics articulated in words. Thus the book seeks ways in which reading political dance as interruption unsettles conceptions of politics and dance.
J ohn’s model of the body politic takes its place among a host of diffuse metaphorical interpretations of the body in the twelfth century, the contested nature of the metaphor being efficiently summarised by Caroline Walker Bynum: It would be no more correct to say that medieval doctors, rabbis, alchemists, prostitutes, wet nurses, preachers and theologians had ‘a’ concept of ‘the body’ than it would be to say that Charles Darwin, Beatrix Potter, a poacher, and the village butcher had ‘a’ concept of ‘the rabbit
5 Contesting new administrative geographies in the 1830s and 1840s Excluded from the civic body politic, radicals found new opportunities to enter it in the 1830s. In 1838, the Working Men’s Association of Carlisle declared that their ‘chief object’ was ‘to elect persons of their own opinions not only to serve in Parliament but also in all local offices, so far as their influence extended, in order to bring to a successful issue the prayer of the National Petition’.1 Their aims illustrate how by the end of the 1830s, working-class collective action had evolved
had composed a resignation letter during his summer holiday. He completed his preparations by giving an interview in advance to the Press Association, saying that it was no use throwing a man overboard if the ship was heading for the rocks. Gilmour favoured such nautical imagery; he had used a similar metaphor in his book The Body Politic, first published in 1969. In that work Gilmour had written that in the eyes of Conservative supporters, even if the steerage was erratic and the captain unequal to the job, ‘it was the duty of the minister to remain on board and