This book is about the lives of refugee women in Britain and France. Who are they? Where do they come from? What happens to them when they arrive, while they wait for a decision on their claim for asylum, and after the decision, whether positive or negative? The book shows how laws and processes designed to meet the needs of men fleeing political persecution often fail to protect women from persecution in their home countries and fail to meet their needs during and after the decision-making process. It portrays refugee women as resilient, resourceful and potentially active participants in British and French social, political and cultural life. The book exposes the obstacles that make active participation difficult.
Confino (i.e., internal exile) was a malleable form of imprisonment during the Fascist ventennio. Confinement allowed Mussolini to bypass the judiciary thereby placing prisoners outside magistrates’ jurisdiction. The Regime applied it to political dissidents, ethnic and religious minorities, gender nonconforming people, and mafiosi, among others. Recent political discourse in and beyond Italy has drawn on similar rationales to address perceived threats against the State. This study examines confino from a historical, political, social, and cultural perspective. It provides a broad overview of the practice and it also examines particular cases and situations. In addition to this historical assessment, it is the first to analyse confinement as a cultural practice through representations in literature (e.g., letters, memoirs, historical fiction) and film. English-language publications often overlook confino and its representations. Italian critical literature, instead, often speaks in purely historical terms or is rooted in partisan perspectives. This book demonstrates that internal exile is not purely political: it possesses a cultural history that speaks to the present. The scope of this study, therefore, is to provide a cultural reading that makes manifest aspects of confino that have been appropriated by contemporary political discourse. Although directed towards students and specialists of Italian history, literature, film, and culture, the study offers a coherent portrait of confino accessible to those with a general interest in Fascism.
The first collection of its kind, Chartist Drama makes available four plays written or performed by members of the Chartist movement of the 1840s. Emerging from the lively counter-culture of this protest campaign for democratic rights, these plays challenged cultural as well as political hierarchies by adapting such recognisable genres as melodrama, history plays, and tragedy for performance in radically new settings. A communal, public, and embodied art form, drama was linked for the Chartists with other kinds of political performance: the oratory of the mass platform, festival-like outdoor meetings, and the elaborate street theatre of protest marches. Plays that Chartists wrote or staged advanced new interpretations of British history and criticised aspects of the contemporary world. And Chartist drama intervened in fierce strategic arguments within the movement. Most notably, poet-activist John Watkins’s John Frost, which dramatises the gripping events of the Newport rising of 1839, in which twenty-two Chartists lost their lives, defends the rebellion and the Chartist recourse to violence as a means for the movement to achieve its aims. The volume’s appendices document over one hundred Chartist dramatic performances, staged by activists in local Chartist associations or at professional benefits at some of London’s largest working-class theatres. Gregory Vargo’s introduction and notes elucidate the previously unexplored world of Chartist dramatic culture, a context that promises to reshape what we know about early Victorian popular politics and theatre.
Chelovek iz podolska (Man from Podolsk,
2017) is written by playwright Dmitrii Danilov and presents a dark and
farcical picture of police brutality and corruption in Russia’s lawenforcement agencies. In addition to these full productions, Teatr.doc
also continued to host informal readings and discussions about politicalpersecution, such as a reading of the prison diary written by openly gay
Uzbek-Russian opposition journalist Ali Feruz, an event that prompted
yet another visit from local law-enforcement officials (Mediazona, 2017).
Three months after the reading, while
Ontological coordination and the assessment of consistency in asylum requests
asylum. Ruling: positive. (my
emphasis) [Brief two] Mr E, Bangladeshi, requesting asylum
to escape politicalpersecution. The asylum seeker lacks
credibility. The statements made by the asylum seeker in his
asylum request questionnaire are inconsistent with the
story reported at IMDH and the Federal Police. There are reasons
to believe the asylum seeker
Scotland Yard (Capt. Liddell), TNA,
13 See Wolf, Tudor-Hart, The Eye of Conscience.
14 Extract Special Branch report, 9 September 1935,TNA, KV2/1012/24a.
15 Charlotte Moos, statement to the Governess of Holloway Prison, 27 April
1940, TNA, KV2/1241.
16 The AIA was set up in 1933 to promote ‘the unity of artists for peace, democracy and cultural development’. From its inception, it was involved in aiding
artists displaced by politicalpersecution in Germany and Austria. Beginning
in 1935, it held several large group exhibitions, the first being ‘Artists
, fleeing politicalpersecution in the classic sense, in mind.
If women’s experiences are considered, it is in terms of their dependence on
principal male applicants.
Refugee NGOs and community associations working with female
asylum seekers report that the majority of women flee their country of
origin with reluctance and full of misgiving as they leave familiar territory,
family and community and prepare to enter a phase in their life which is
necessarily unknown. Moreover, there is little evidence to show that they are
from other legal definitions
EL-ENANY PRINT.indd 137
of the refugee is its position of dominance – formal at least
over other definitions – and its continued dominance in
Europe in spite of the fact that few refugees seeking asylum
in Europe fall within the Article 1(A)(2) definition’.23 This
is in part due to the definition’s narrow construction.
Traditionally, the essential quality of a refugee was seen to
be their presence outside their own country as a result of
politicalpersecution.24 The definition of a refugee
persecution that Jews faced in
Russia, more persons migrating and trans-migrating arrived
in Britain than in any other year of the Act’s operation.110
Antisemitism was rife across Europe. There were pogroms
in Russia and Romania and antisemitic ministers had
entered government in Germany and Austria-Hungary.111
It was clear that the British government had in mind a specific image of a refugee: a person of European origin in flight
from religious or politicalpersecution. It did not envisage
its colonial activities overseas as productive of refugees.
Home Office directions
its fortunes swinging the other way. The PCP-SL was defeated
in 1992, after Guzmán and other party cadre members had been captured by
Art, Global Maoism and the Cultural Revolution
the Grupo Especial de Inteligencia del Perú (GEIN, Special Intelligence Group
of Peru) and possibly the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and
sentenced to life in prison.3
Fear of politicalpersecution has prompted PCP members to destroy much
of the art the party produced, while some remains in the hands of the Grupo
Especial de Inteligencia del Perú, or DIRCOTE