5 Political agency Introduction As is clear from the last chapter, social and political institutions are inextricable elements in Gewirth’s moral philosophy. Gewirth provides the theoretical and conceptual resources for moral exploration both at the micro-level, in his simple models of interaction between two agents, and at the macro-level, in his depictions of what kind of overall political architecture a society adhering to the fundamental principles of the PGC ought to have. But these moral considerations bearing on agents on the one hand, and the basic
with civic virtue [and] anticipates future links between the good woman and the good state’. 2 The weaver’s political character favours the reassessment of the moralised tales of feminine virtue. This chapter intends to show how Penelope and Arachne resisted a limiting mythographical moralisation through a successful association of gender, political agency and intellectual observation on the stage. It
intelligence agency in the postcolonial era in order to criminalise Muslimness and Muslim political agency. Colonial governance of Muslim subjects in the empire In terms of colonialism and racism, Austria is not unique among its European counterparts, where there are denials of the existence of racism which are connected to the historical and scholarly neglect of racism in Europe from the colonial period to the present (El Tayeb 1999 ). While, formally speaking, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a latecomer to the project of colonialism
helped fuel the efforts of more ‘non-political’ organisations like Oxfam, which ‘sought to recast “Biafra” as a space of victimhood, standing in isolation from the political agency of a secessionist movement’ (133). The costs of such depoliticising are by now well-known. For example, as Heerten aptly asks, ‘who, in the end, thinks a people symbolized by starving infants to be capable of creating a state?’ (139). This is the damage done when people are fed a steady diet of
is often filtered through expert and professional opinions. Historically, disaster studies have failed to ground research in local realities ( Gaillard, 2018 ; Altbach, 2004 ) and research on post-disaster recovery and resilience is usually done about people experiencing risk rather than being done by or with them ( Jigyasu, 2005 ). In addition, local actors are often stripped of their political agency and reduced to victims that are merely surviving or recovering from hazards ( Sou, 2021 ; Chandler, 2012 ; Bohle et al. , 2019). These troubling trends led a
This book provides a critical investigation of what has been termed the ‘global justice movement’. Through a detailed study of a grassroots peasants' network in Asia (People's Global Action); an international trade union network (the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mining and General Workers); and the Social Forum process, it analyses some of the global justice movement's component parts, operational networks and their respective dynamics, strategies and practices. The authors argue that the emergence of new globally connected forms of collective action against neoliberal globalisation are indicative of a range of variously place-specific forms of political agency that coalesce across geographic space at particular times, in specific places and in a variety of ways. They also argue that, rather than being indicative of a coherent ‘movement’, such forms of political agency contain many political and geographical fissures and fault-lines, and are best conceived of as ‘global justice networks’: overlapping, interacting, competing and differentially placed and resourced networks that articulate demands for social, economic and environmental justice. Such networks, and the social movements that comprise them, characterise emergent forms of trans-national political agency. The authors argue that the role of key geographical concepts of space, place and scale are crucial to an understanding of the operational dynamics of such networks. Such an analysis challenges key current assumptions in the literature about the emergence of a global civil society.
Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.
When a person is not recognised as a citizen anywhere, they are typically referred to as ‘stateless’. This can give rise to challenges both for individuals and for the institutions that try to govern them. Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship breaks from tradition by relocating the ‘problem’ to be addressed from one of statelessness to one of citizenship. It problematises the governance of citizenship – and the use of citizenship as a governance tool. It traces the ‘problem of citizenship’ from global and regional governance mechanisms to national and even individual levels. Part I examines how statelessness is produced and maintained, for example through global development efforts and refugee protection instruments. Part II traces the lived reality of statelessness, starting at conception and the issuance of birth certificates, then exploring the experiences of youth, workers, and older people. Part III demands a rethinking of the governance of citizenship. It interrogates existing efforts to address challenges associated with statelessness and suggests alternatives. Contributions span global regions and contributors include activists, affected persons, artists, lawyers, leading academics from a range of disciplines, and national and international policy experts. Written text, visual art, and poetry are also used to examine complex concepts central to this discussion. Statelessness, governance, and the problem of citizenship rejects the idea that statelessness and stateless persons are a problem. It argues that the reality of statelessness helps to uncover a more fundamental challenge: the problem of citizenship.
replacement could pave the way for an ethical phenomenological method of exploring the primary normative contexts of political agency among which political regimes (illiberal regimes included) figure prominently. Chapter 2 furthered the discussion by providing a critique of the normative foundations of how comparative politics understands illiberal regimes. A special purpose
re-evocation of his punk subjectivity across the decades allowed him to restory tragedy and trauma; in this lay the cure for Mental Mike’s Madness. My intention above has been to write a ‘poststructuralist autoethnography’ to explore how a ‘punk subjectivity’ has endured, sometimes subliminally, sometimes epiphanically across my lifespan, influencing my social and political agency and my action-in-the-world in a range of contexts which are Toxic Grafity’s punk epiphany -209- very different to the original ‘anarcho-punk’ context of Toxic and its wider milieu. By