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conceptualisation of the digital divide as a matter of access that results in the ‘haves’ versus the ‘have nots’. She convincingly argues that this definition, developed in the West, does not capture the complexities and transient nature of refugees using digital technology. The current refugee crisis has witnessed the displacement of close to 70 million people worldwide ( UNHCR, 2019 ) due to political conflict, criminal violence and war. While the waves of migrants reaching the coast of
Still and moving images are crucial factors in contemporary political conflicts. They not only have representational, expressive or illustrative functions, but also augment and create significant events. Beyond altering states of mind, they affect bodies, and often life or death is at stake. Various forms of image operations are currently performed in the contexts of war, insurgency and activism. Photographs, videos, interactive simulations and other kinds of images steer drones to their targets, train soldiers, terrorise the public, celebrate protest icons, uncover injustices, or call for help. They are often parts of complex agential networks and move across different media and cultural environments. This book is a pioneering interdisciplinary study of the role and function of images in political life. Balancing theoretical reflections with in-depth case studies, it brings together renowned scholars and activists from different fields to offer a multifaceted critical perspective on a crucial aspect of contemporary visual culture.
rule. Since all violence has a history, no claim to peace can be made in relation to a permanent state of affairs. What might be peaceful to some can be suffocating and oppressive to others. Peace in fact never appears before us like some self-evident revelation, except in the most theological pronouncements. We can think of the liberal peace here as the evident example. Claiming to rid the world of all unnecessary evils and political conflicts, advocates of the liberal peace openly waged war upon supposedly illiberal elements across the world, while confiscating any
this relationship. She analyzed public health in the displaced population in Colombia, using specialized knowledge and technique, and concluded that these types of interventions have medicalised the social and political conflict and sanitised social life. However, this conclusion should be viewed with some caution; psychosocial interventions have recently been incorporated into state programmes that serve victims of the internal Colombian conflict. For example, sentence T-025/2004 of the Constitutional Court declared unconstitutional the absence of psychological and
, and they thus played a big role in turning this political conflict into a humanitarian issue [ Heerten, 2017 : 83–104]. Marie-Luce: They were also key players in bringing and touring journalists in Biafra. We often remember the work of the public relations agency, Markpress, hired by the Biafra government in that respect, but the Holy Ghost Fathers and the missionaries in general acted very much as ‘mediators’ in the field between the journalists and the
This book focuses on the experiences of Tamil-speaking people who have lived through and continue to face conflict and violence in Sri Lanka on a daily basis. It focuses on the years between 2005 and 2007 when the country was facing massive change in the lead up to the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamils Eelam (LTTE). At this time, while violence waxed and waned, intensifying at times and at others casting a dark shadow over daily encounters, people carried on with their lives, negotiating through and around the violence. The way in which the topics in the book flow reflects the author's journey of research and the various issues that became important along the way. Thus, in following the author's experiences through the conflict and the tsunami, the book builds up a larger and richer picture of life in Batticaloa that moves between accounts of everyday violence and suffering. Using ethnographic experiences and narratives collected over twenty-two months between 2004 and 2007, the book argues that to look to the moments of hope and imagination as well as the everyday endurance must constitute a core element of anthropological representations of violence and suffering. This includes highlighting the non-violent spaces or parts of daily life, which are less dramatically framed by violence, and are often lost in contexts of conflict, faded out as weak shadows to the more forceful violence.
those who are anti-religion (which most Jewish-Israelis and indeed most human beings are not) – have mixed feelings about religion. Scholars of everyday life, not just religion, have shown repeatedly, consistently that people have mixed feelings about most things . The last four chapters have told four different stories about the limitations of religio-ethnic solidarity for anticipating how young ‘secular’ Jews might feel about religio-ethnic mobilization in violent political conflicts: Chapter 3 described how this generation ‘became hiloni’ in the army
as he reanalysed both previously published and unpublished case studies of political conflicts from past fieldwork. These conflicts were situations that featured diverse social actors, multiple political agendas, and changing cultural resources, such that their outcomes were not predetermined or easily predictable. Moral claims figured prominently within each, and Bailey’s approach
63 Affective image operations Jens Eder1 Images enter the interactional networks of political conflict in various ways. Often, they motivate political action by evoking emotions and affects. This is evident, for instance, in visual propaganda, images of terror, donation campaigns or activist videos like Kony2012. Aiming to mobilise a movement against a brutal warlord, the documentary made calculated use of cinematic techniques to maximise viewers’ emotional responses. It went viral on social media platforms and was soon watched more than 100 million times. The
artefacts. Ideological divisions later produced other Basque nationalist parties, which competed with the PNV for leadership. However, Basque nationalism has never been hegemonic. It has always competed with other political movements, including a strong, largely immigrant-based, labour movement. These circumstances define a complex political conflict involving multiple fronts: Battles to achieve nationalist goals against the preferences of a sometimes hostile, but sometimes accommodating, state elite; and domestic struggles to win allegiance in Basque territories. In this