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Bill Jones

Definition of the term ‘Political culture’ is a rather nebulous concept, although Iain McLean’s Dictionary of Politics manages a reasonably crisp definition: ‘The attitudes, beliefs, and values which underpin the operation of a particular political system.’ These will include, he writes, ‘knowledge and skills’; ‘positive and negative emotional feelings’ towards the system of government; and ‘evaluative judgments’ about it (McLean, 1996, p. 379). Factors contributing towards these feelings, emotions, values and attitudes include historical experience, the

in British politics today
Alan P. Dobson

INTRODUCTION In the scholarship of Anglo-American relations, and it is very extensive, there is surprisingly little written about the political culture that the two countries might share. Perhaps this is because at first sight differences rather than commonalities appear to predominate, especially in the institutional sphere. Often claims are made that the United States is more libertarian, laissez-faire economically, socially conservative on the death penalty, abortion, the right to bear arms, health provision, and gay rights, and traditionally more right

in Culture matters
Humour, anxiety and existential ambiguities in the public sphere
Anton Piyarathne

carve out a liveable space amidst state-led media suppression to criticise elite political culture in general and the ruling government in particular. In this context, whereby political scandal becomes a kind of panic mired in both mysticism and satire, public commentary is used to launch a critique that would not otherwise be tolerated. What is perceived negatively – political

in The anthropology of ambiguity
Malcolm Chase

1 George Howell, the Webbs and the political culture of early labour history M alcolm Chase George Howell (1833–1910) was the epitome of a nineteenth-century auto­ didact, having received an indifferent education, largely part-time, that ended when he was twelve. Successively a ploughboy, apprentice shoemaker and from the age of twenty-two a bricklayer, he doggedly built a career in labour movement politics, first achieving public prominence as Secretary of the London Trades’ Council in 1861–62. He established a reputation as an exceptionally energetic

in Labour and working-class lives
Author:

Simon Walker studied modern history at Magdelen College, Oxford, graduating with first-class honours in 1979. When Walker began researching the retinue of John of Gaunt in 1980, 'bastard feudalism' had been the subject of debate for thirty-five years. A study of John of Gaunt's retinue could be expected to throw important, if not decisive, light on these problems. For not only was his the largest retinue in late medieval England, but for thirty years the duke himself had a dominant role in the domestic, military and diplomatic policy of England. In 1994, Michael Jones and Walker published for the Camden Society an edition of all the surviving private life indentures for peace and war apart from those of John of Gaunt and William, Lord Hastings. Walker's introduction to the volume reviewed the evolution of life indentures, the range of services they embraced, the regulation of obligations for service and reward, and the changing role of such indentures over the period 1278-1476. From these broad investigations into the balance of power between magnates and gentry, Walker returned to examine how, in individual cases, two men from different backgrounds built their careers on noble and royal patronage. Walker then turned to examine the retrospective view of the 1399 revolution in literate culture. He used case studies to build up a picture of collective mentalities among different social grades and vocational worlds, hoping ultimately to construct a new approach to the tensions and strength of the late medieval polity.

Peter Waldron

Russian political scene that had been evident before the October Manifesto. The roots of the practical problems encountered in legislating lay in the political culture of imperial Russia. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the social structure of Russia was changing. The emancipation of the serfs in 1861 had helped to give the peasant population of the empire greater independence. 38 Peter Waldron More peasants began to work in the growing industrial cities as the ties between urban and rural Russia developed. The process of industrialisation – particularly

in Late imperial Russia

In the context of French history, matters began to change when - for reasons that cannot be reviewed here - the 'social interpretation' collapsed in the 1970s and the Revolution was re-interpreted as a broad-based struggle against royal 'despotism' rather than as a bourgeois attack upon 'feudal' aristocracy. Far more sympathetic to the Revolution and far more sensitive to context than Furet, Lynn Hunt also made conspiracy a key element in her pioneering analysis of the Revolution's political culture. In this work, she demonstrated how fears of conspiracy, real and imagined, led revolutionaries into an endless search for 'transparency,' that is, the elimination of all guises that counterrevolutionary conspirators might use to undermine the Revolution. The fear of conspiracy underlay the call for persistent demonstrations of patriotic virtue under the Terror, which were intended to allay suspicion of covert dealing with the dark forces of the counter-Revolution. But because patriotism itself had become a conspiratorial mask, professions of civisme carried increasingly less weight, and in the end everyone remained a potential conspirator. Many indeed were the seductions of power, ambition, wealth, and distinction allegedly proffered by Pitt and the Austrian princes, who appeared to have endless resources at their disposal. Their point of leverage was clearly the corruptibility of the human soul, a vulnerability that had been repeatedly underlined in republican polemics and Christian discourse, especially of the Jansenist variety, and had long been associated with the royal court, a public space allegedly devoid of virtue and patriotism.

Abstract only
Peter Davies

POSTSCRIPT All historians are individuals, and important ones . . . History, for them, is more than a matter of intellectual curiosity; it is a statement about life.1 We are now almost two decades on from the Bicentenary. How has the historiography of the Revolution evolved since then? Significant studies have emerged in the period between the Bicentenary and today, and they have grappled with pertinent issues including politics, culture, the regions and women. The 200th Anniversary of the Revolution was certainly a catalyst. In the years that followed

in The Debate on the French Revolution
Shamit Saggar

• Race and representation and is concerned in particular with factors fuelling their dealignment from support for Labour. It is this topic that is featured in the next section of this final chapter. The theory of political integration is at the heart of this study and is taken up again in the second section devoted to the implication for British democratic institutions, political culture and the democratic tradition. The involvement of ethnic minorities in electoral politics has both shaped and been shaped by political behaviour in Britain more generally. This

in Race and representation
The “Crusade for Freedom,” American Exceptionalism, and the Foreign–Domestic Nexus of Public Diplomacy
Kenneth Osgood

insignificance. In the case of RFE , an intelligence community asset for psychological warfare abroad became linked to a powerful domestic propaganda campaign that exerted a deep and lasting impact on American political culture and, in fact, became thoroughly enmeshed in U.S. domestic politics. The story of the Crusade for Freedom thus complicates our understanding of the rise and fall of the Cold War consensus, as it spotlights the contributions of the intelligence community, advertisers, and corporate interests in “manufacturing consent” for the Cold War within the United

in Reasserting America in the 1970s