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Anu Koivunen
Katariina Kyrölä
, and
Ingrid Ryberg

 1 1 VULNERABILITY AS A POLITICAL LANGUAGE A nu Koi v une n, K atar iina K yröl ä a nd I ngr id  Ry berg I n present-​ day public discussions, questions of power, agency, and the media are debated more intensely than ever as issues of injury or empowerment. Vulnerability has emerged as a key concept circulating in these discussions and their academic analyses. The #MeToo campaign, as well as its extensions like #TimesUp and versions in various languages across the globe, has been taken up as a key example of these tendencies, showing how the public

in The power of vulnerability
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

-and-rescue missions. But it is citizen movements that have been at the forefront of the emergency response. Similarly inspired by cosmopolitan ideals, these groups tend to use more political language than conventional NGOs, presenting their relief activities as a form of direct resistance to nationalist politics and xenophobia. As liberal humanitarianism is challenged in its European heartland, they are developing – through practice – a new model of humanitarian engagement. SOS MEDITERRANEE is an ad hoc citizen initiative founded in 2015 to prevent the death of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Language, symbols and myths

The struggle in projects, ideas and symbols between the strongest Communist Party in the West and an anti-Communist and pro-Western government coalition was the most peculiar founding element of the Italian democratic political system after the Second World War.

Until now, most historians have focused their attention on political parties as the only players in the competition for the making of political orientations and civic identities in Italian public opinion. Others have considered Italian political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in terms of the polarisation between Communism and organised Catholicism, due to the undoubted importance of the Church in Italian culture and social relations.

This book enlarges the view, looking at new aspects and players of the anti-Communist ‘front’. It takes into account the role of cultural associations, newspapers and the popular press in the selection and diffusion of critical judgements and images of Communism, highlighting a dimension that explains the force of anti-Communist opinions in Italy after 1989 and the crisis of traditional parties. The author also places the case of Italian Cold War anti-Communism in an international context for the first time.

Abstract only
David J. Appleby

Jacobean court sermons: ‘faced with an overwhelming mass of words and an underwhelming number of deeds, how does the historian assess the significance of political language?’35 Writing in 1987, Neil Keeble contrasted the neglect of post-Restoration nonconformist writing with the enthusiasm shown by historians for the radical literature of the English Revolution.36 Keeble attributes this bias largely to the influence of Christopher Hill, but in fact such predilections were already evident in the earlier work of W. F. Mitchell and G. R. Cragg. Restoration nonconformists were

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
Abstract only
Marco Barducci

mainstream interpretations of Ascham’s works, which have argued for the significance of Hobbesian arguments in structuring the Engagement debates under the Republic, or have pointed out the secular and/or religious quintessence of his thought, this book highlights the complicated mixture of political languages which was used in propaganda for the Parliament and the Commonwealth. By locating the political

in Order and conflict
Jon Lawrence

class and social identity in the context of lengthy, semi-structured interviews, with the representation of class in the formal political languages used by the three main parties during the 1963 by-election. The aim is to offer a case study in 190 The art of the possible: essays for Duncan Tanner the relationship between ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ political languages, and to use this to draw some tentative conclusions about the extent to which class still resonated in popular politics in an affluent 1960s town such as Luton. Goldthorpe and Lockwood famously argued

in The art of the possible
Voices from Brighton and Bologna
Caterina Mazzilli

grassroots image in Bologna was less clear-cut than in Brighton. I suggest that this might depend on the different prominence of the notion of ethnicity, part and parcel of the British political language but still not normalised in the Italian one. In addition, asylum has recently become one of the hot topics in the Italian media and political agenda alike. In Bologna, the crucial role politics has in the city's narrative can at least partially explain the attention paid to asylum seekers by local governments. The identities deemed legitimate – and almost quintessential to

in How the other half lives
From Manchester United as a ‘global leisure brand’ to FC United as a ‘community club’
George Poulton

proposition but does so in a particular way. As Manchester United was transformed by the adoption of commercial practices in line with the wider free-market reality of English football and English society in the 1990s, the language of community became a means to contest this transformation by demanding the recognition of a moral obligation to a social ­collective – the ‘community’ of Manchester. Indeed, it is a means of contesting the ‘dislocation’ that Lewis (ch 8, this volume) describes as arising from these socio-economic changes. ‘Community’ then becomes a political

in Realising the city
Tristan Marshall

greater importance when read in what might be termed a ‘British context’ than has hitherto been appreciated. The two works by Shakespeare, as well as the anonymous Nobody and Some-body, belong to a period in which discussion of Union permeated the political language 18 and spawned a shoal of literature and sermons. Within the context of the Union, both King Lear and Macbeth throw plenty of light on the problems of history and the search by playwrights for material likely to be of interest to the new monarch. Plays set in Scotland and in ancient Britain were fertile

in Theatre and empire
Carl J. Griffin

Chartist thinkers. Hunger was therefore increasingly expressed as relational, as something mediated not just by individual experience but also through the experiences of real and imagined communities that spanned parish, regional and national boundaries. Hunger was also mediated through competing political languages made policy. This is not to deny the absolute privations and sufferings that were

in The politics of hunger