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Introduction Beginning in 1990, the small Central African country of Rwanda was shaken by a pro-democracy movement and a rebel invasion, led by exiled members of the minority Tutsi ethnic group. The government responded to the dual pressures of protest and war by offering political reforms while simultaneously seeking to regain popularity with the members of the majority Hutu group by stirring up anti-Tutsi ethnic sentiments. Both a number of new domestic human rights groups and international human rights organisations documented the regime’s repression of
When members of that oft-maligned institution, the Anglican Church – the 'Tory Party at prayer' – encountered the far-flung settler empire, they found it a strange and intimidating place. Anglicanism's conservative credentials seemed to have little place in developing colonies; its established status, secure in England, would crumble in Ireland and was destined never to be adopted in the 'White Dominions'. By 1850, however, a global ‘Anglican Communion’ was taking shape. This book explains why Anglican clergymen started to feel at home in the empire. Between 1790 and 1860 the Church of England put in place structures that enabled it to sustain a common institutional structure and common set of beliefs across a rapidly-expanding ‘British world’. Though Church expansion was far from being a regulated and coordinated affair, the book argues that churchmen did find ways to accommodate Anglicans of different ethnic backgrounds and party attachments in a single broad-based ‘national’ colonial Church. The book details the array of institutions, voluntary societies and inter-colonial networks that furnished the men and money that facilitated Church expansion; it also sheds light on how this institutional context contributed to the formation of colonial Churches with distinctive features and identities. The colonial Church that is presented in this book will be of interest to more than just scholars and students of religious and Church history. The book shows how the colonial Church played a vital role in the formation of political publics and ethnic communities in a settler empire that was being remoulded by the advent of mass migration, democracy and the separation of Church and state.
-Democracy Movement at Tiananmen Square in 1989. Students, intellectuals and ordinary citizens gathered in Tiananmen Square to demand political reform as economic development progressed in the spring. They were led by student leaders from Beijing University, the cradle of student activism that began in the May Fourth era and gave birth to the CCP itself. But the political rights enjoyed by the May Fourth rebels were denied to this generation; the CCP’s dominance is not to be challenged. The students were no threat to the regime but they were brutally suppressed; we still do not
6 Meeting the challenges of the twenty-first century Shortly after civil partnerships came into effect the coalition government collapsed. The Green Party withdrew from government on 23 January 2011, forcing then Taoiseach, Brian Cowen, to call a general election. This was a time ripe for political reform. Each of the main political parties recognised a need for constitutional change, reflected in their election manifestos. Fianna Fáil acknowledged that ‘it is absolutely clear that no significant programme of political reform which involves amending the
democratic outcomes for states. In short, FOI presents a key element in effective political reform. In the aftermath of massive economic, political and social crisis and upheaval in Ireland there is widespread agreement about the need for political reform, but far less consensus about what form this reform should take. This book presents the case for FOI and examines the potential it offers for better government, as well as the limits and constraints to what the most recent FOI legislation might deliver. The book traces Ireland’s experience of FOI legislation, from the
outlined in this study highlights the ambitions for wholesale reform integral to working-class political activism during the early-Victorian period. Chartism’s incorporation of the infidel, Owenite, and Radical traditions made it far more than simply a protest against ‘Old Corruption’. Chartism is not part of a continuous Liberal tradition that has stretched into the twenty-first century and which limits its objectives to political reform and half-hearted attempts to relieve suffering. Chartists saw the Charter as the political starting point of widespread economic
from military or monarchical regimes (Pakistan, SOUTH ASIA 217 Bangladesh and Nepal), the rise of violent ethnic conflicts, the social mobilization of previously excluded groups, economic liberalization, the emergence of a vibrant civil sector, regionalization and localization in the face of globalization, international pressure, and domestic demands for political reform. The old certainties that defined the post-colonial order are fast disappearing; the new order is yet to emerge. Transition best represents South Asian politics today, and democratization as an
the Zionist enterprise as an example from which Arabs should learn. Liberals have found in Zionism characteristics that they wish to implement in their own societies: the establishment of a democratic and pluralistic society, a pragmatic political approach, gender equality, freedom from religious duress and the development of science and technology on a rational basis. The military triumphs of democratic Israel have encouraged liberals to attack undemocratic Arab regimes that use the conflict as a 184 Zionism in Arab discourses pretext to delay political reforms
an understanding of many of the characteristics of Chartism. Their work in the 1820s and 1830s is crucial to understanding the changes within Radical political culture both during and after Chartism. Chartism’s infidel roots One of the environments from which this moral populism would emerge was the Freethought culture of the 1820s. Although there was no longer a mass- movement of the lower classes for political reform, as there had been in the 1816–19 period, London’s Radical artisans were enthusiastically adopting the principles and canon of the radical
Subcontinent. As Indian nationalists increased their campaign of civil disobedience, British authorities saw the more conservative princely order, whose sovereignty was tied to the maintenance of British colonial rule, as allies in stemming the tide of popular mobilization and broader anti-British sentiment. With the princes’ general antipathy to meaningful political reforms within their states or significant changes to the broader political order in India that could undermine their authority, there were growing tensions between the