This monograph takes as its subject the dynamic new range of performance practices that have been developed since the demise of communism in the flourishing theatrical landscape of Poland. After 1989, Lease argues, the theatre has retained its historical role as the crucial space for debating and interrogating cultural and political identities. Providing access to scholarship and criticism not readily accessible to an English-speaking readership, this study surveys the rebirth of the theatre as a site of public intervention and social criticism since the establishment of democracy and the proliferation of theatre makers that have flaunted cultural commonplaces and begged new questions of Polish culture. Lease suggests that a radical democratic pluralism is only tenable through the destabilization of attempts to essentialize Polish national identity, focusing on the development of new theatre practices that interrogate the rise of nationalism, alternative sexual identities and forms of kinship, gender equality, contested histories of antisemitism, and postcolonial encounters. Lease elaborates a new theory of political theatre as part of the public sphere. The main contention is that the most significant change in performance practice after 1989 has been from opposition to the state to a more pluralistic practice that engages with marginalized identities purposefully left out of the rhetoric of freedom and independence.
Tito’s Yugoslavia and after: Communism,
post-Communism, and the war in Croatia
Not only is the Yugoslav reality as twisted as the tunnels that held the Minotaur,
but the observer keeps coming face to face with himself, seeing his own image
spring out from what he thinks are the events of history, unable to separate
projection from observation, fact from reflection, self from other. (E. A. Hammel in
The Yugoslav Labyrinth)
After the Second World War and the devastation caused by German and
Italian invasion, the
Comparing and contrasting propaganda in Serbia and Croatia from 1986 to 1999, this book analyses each group's contemporary interpretations of history and current events. It offers a detailed discussion of Holocaust imagery and the history of victim-centred writing in nationalist theory, including the links between the comparative genocide debate, the so-called Holocaust industry, and Serbian and Croatian nationalism. There is a detailed analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda over the Internet, detailing how and why the Internet war was as important as the ground wars in Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, and a theme-by-theme analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda, using contemporary media sources, novels, academic works and journals.
Chapter 3 presents the book’s theoretical framework. The theory developed in Chapter 3 offers a set of answers to this study's overarching question, exploring why are there cases of unions successfully defending workers’ interests even when faced with the structural difficulties of post-communism. The chapter starts with a theoretical discussion of what the book aims to explain: labor interest representation. This term refers to the process through which workers, usually collectively organized in a trade union, protect their interests in relation to employers and governmental authorities. The rest of Chapter 3 develops a theory of how workers and unions can bring about labor interest representation when facing the structural difficulties described in Chapter 1. It uses game theoretical tools and insights from social movement theory to formulate the book's main argument that strategy can matter even under the harshest conditions. Chapter 3 also presents the research design, providing a detailed discussion of the rationale for the case selection of 18 conflict episodes at 10 plants in the Romanian steel industry and Ukraine's civil machine-building sector.
National Identity’, in Chris Chulos and Timo
Piirainen (eds), The Fall of an Empire, the Birth of a Nation: National Identities in
Russia (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2000), pp. 161–96. On the increasing role of
Orthodoxy see Agadjanian, ‘Revising Pandora’s Gifts’. For an historical perspective see Tim McDaniel, The Agony of the Russian Idea (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1996), pp. 22–55; and Nikolas Gvosdev, ‘The New Party Card?
Orthodoxy and the Search for Post-Soviet Russian Identity’, Problems of PostCommunism, 47:6 (2000), pp. 29–38.
For example, Aleksei
on Ireland’s foreign relations in Irish Studies in International Affairs
which provide valuable insights.19
Regarding bilateral relations between Ireland and Eastern
European countries, Stephen White in ‘Ireland, Russia, Communism,
Post-Communism’20 details the beginning of the relations between
Ireland, the Irish Free State as it was known back then, and the Soviet
Union. He writes that over the decades the Soviet Union was more or
less interested in Ireland, but that under Leonid Brezhnev’s leadership
(1964–82) interest in the country was definitely being
term and its application to Polish culture. There was equally a temptation to employ the now popular term ‘postcommunism’ in the title
of this book, but I have resisted this given that it too quickly restricts
understandings of contemporary Poland by focusing directly on a particular moment in its history. I chose ‘1989’ instead, as it is devised of
associations around transition, transformation, vulnerability, hope and
instability that I intend to unpack and critique.3 Political theorist Michał
Kozłowski warns that terms such as ‘postcommunism’ and ‘transition’
The workers’ movement
We now trace the role of the workers’ movement in Serbia during and
after the Milošević period. Before doing so, it is important to record the
experience and problems faced by workers and their unions under postcommunism in the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE). Old
‘official’ unions have been subject to varying degrees of reform, while new
‘independent’ unions have arisen to compete. Once we understand these
general problems, we can locate the Serbian experience more trenchantly
by examining both the political character of
nationhood remain. The trade unions remain fragmented, weakened and
divided, with much potential associative power in a weak civil society, but
with little structural power as the Serbian economy fails to stabilise or find
its place in the global economy.
In attempting to unravel and unpick these dilemmas, we utilise two
perspectives. First, we borrow from social movement theory perspectives
and frameworks which help throw light on the ebb and flow of protest.
Most conventional analyses of labour under post-Communism present a
picture of labour weakness and
unbalanced relationship between Poland and their Western allies.
Kozłowski (2008) argues that the ‘constitutive moment for the political discourse on postcommunism is establishing a continuity between
The move to neoliberalism
postcommunism and communism itself,’ which requires an epistemological shift that cannot ‘be grasped at the level of social phenomena’;
namely, the criminalization and/or vilification of Poland’s heritage of
‘real socialism.’ By the end of the 1990s there was rift in the assessment
of the PRL that began to define distinct generations around