In this chapter I want to explore a selection of the numerous and wideranging issues that are to do, directly or otherwise, with the ‘power’ of
the media. Research into the various aspects of power, and arguments
about it, have always been at the centre of academic interest in media.
Sometimes, the focus has been on ‘influence and effects’, a concern with
the measurable consequences of output for the perceptions and attitudes
of media readerships and audiences. This is the strongest strand of international research, operating across a wide variety of
H E P R E V I O U S chapter explored the ‘postmodern condition’ and,
particularly, its implications for politics. I suggested that postmodernity is
fundamentally ambiguous in its effects, and can give rise to different forms of
politics, whether progressive, reactionary or simply nihilistic. Its motifs of
difference, fragmentation and flux, and its questioning of the ‘metanarrative’
can, on the one hand, lead to either a radical displacement of social identities,
institutions and discourses, and on the other, to a paranoid desire to cling to
Da women den could do laek men. (Shetland Archive, 3/1/124: Katie
isitors to shetland in the nineteenth century regarded the
women they encountered as subordinate and put-upon. But at
the same time they admired their physical and mental strength.
Outsiders understood that this society could not be compared with
other rural communities in other parts of the British Isles, and they
frequently used the iconic crofting and knitting female as a symbolic
means of conveying this difference. Implicit in their descriptions of
women was an
The book collects thirteen previously published essays by Keith Dowding on social and political power, freedom, choice and luck. It is anchored by a substantial introductory essay that pulls together the different strands to demonstrate the coherence and connections between the different concepts discussed through the book. The book demonstrates the importance of the concept of power to political science and argues that comparative static definitions enable comparison of power structures in terms of agents’ resources. It shows the importance of systematic luck in understanding the power structure. However, static definitions are inherently unsatisfactory in dynamic settings. Here we need to apply game theory rather than game forms, and in dynamic settings luck is vital to our perception of freedom, responsibility and leadership. Later chapters reveal the problematic evaluation of choice and freedom and how these relate to responsibility. The book concludes by demonstrating that freedom and rights exist in different senses, which matter for our understanding of how much freedom exists in a society. It shows that Sen’s liberal paradox is ambiguous between rights as claims and rights as liberties; how fundamental his paradox is to our understanding of the conflict between rights and welfare depends on the manner in which we evaluate freedom.
This book explores the nature and workings of social and political power through four dimensions, which throw into relief different aspects of power-related phenomena. The analysis constitutes a sophisticated new framework that builds upon contemporary theoretical perspectives of power, including the work of Steven Lukes, Michel Foucault, Amy Allen, Clarissa Rile Hayward, Anthony Giddens, Pierre Bourdieu, Stewart Clegg, James Scott and Gene Sharp. The first dimension of power concerns agency between actors, including analysis of coercion, violence and authority. The second dimension involves structural bias, conflict and resistance, including both revolutionary and non-violent resistance. The third dimension concerns tacit knowledge, uses of truth and reification. This book moves beyond critique of ideology, developing Foucauldian theories of power/knowledge without nihilistic relativism by distinguishing different types of truth claim. The fourth dimension concerns the power to create social subjects, drawing both on genealogical theory, Norbert Elias on restraint and Orlando Patterson on social death in slavery. Haugaard distinguishes sociological from normative claims. While the four dimensions stem from sociological theory, the book concludes with a normative pragmatist power-based political theory of democracy and rights. This has significant implications for critiques of contemporary populism and neoliberalism. The book is theoretically sophisticated, yet written in an accessible style. Theory is explained using vivid empirical examples. Its originality makes it a ‘must-read’ for postgraduates and academics in the field. Yet, it is ideal for higher-level undergraduates and MAs, as a paradigmatic text on power. It is also indispensable for activists who wish to understand domination, resistance and empowerment.
The London Lord Mayors' Shows were high-profile and lavish entertainments that were at the centre of the cultural life of the City of London in the early modern period. The Show was staged annually to celebrate the inauguration of the new Lord Mayor. The London mayoralty was not simply an entity of civic power, but always had its ritual and ceremonial dimensions. Pageantry was a feature of the day's entertainment. This book focuses on the social, cultural and economic contexts, in which the Shows were designed, presented and experienced, and explores the Shows in textual, historical, bibliographical, and archival and other contexts. It highlights the often-overlooked roles of the artificer and those other craftsmen who contributed so valuably to the day's entertainment. The Show was the concern of the Great Twelve livery companies from the ranks of one of which the Lord Mayor was elected. The book discusses, inter alia, the actors' roles, the props, music and costumes used during the Show and looks at how important emblems and imagery were to these productions. Pageant writers and artificers took advantage of the space available to them just as dramatists did on the professional stage. From 1585 onwards the Lord Mayor's Show was with increasing frequency transmitted from event to text in the form of short pamphlets produced in print runs ranging from 200 to 800 copies. The book also demonstrates the ways in which the Shows engaged with the changing socio-economic scene of London and with court and city politics.
This is a book about parents, power, and children and, in particular, the legitimacy of parents' power over their children. It takes seriously the challenge posed by moral pluralism, and considers the role of both theoretical rationality and practical judgement in resolving moral dilemmas associated with parental power. The book first examines the prevailing view about parental power: a certain form of paternalism, justified treatment of those who lack the qualities of an agent, and one that does not generate moral conflicts. It proposes an alternative, pluralist view of paternalism before showing that even paternalism properly understood is of limited application when we evaluate parental power. According to the caretaker thesis, parental power makes up for the deficits in children's agency, and for that reason children should be subjected to standard institutional paternalism. The liberation thesis stands at the other end of the spectrum concerning children's rights. The book then addresses the counter-argument that issues of legitimacy arise in the political domain and not in respect of parent-child relations. It also examines the 'right to parent' and whether parents should be licensed, monitored, or trained children's voluntariness and competence, and the right to provide informed consent for medical treatment and research participation. Finally, the book talks about parents' efforts to share a way of life with their children and the State's efforts to shape the values of future citizens through civic education. The overall approach taken has much more in common with the problem-driven political philosophy.
How should we conceptualise parental power and how can it be evaluated?
In previous chapters, in the evaluation of parental power I made the case
for an irreducible plurality of moral considerations and of morally relevant
features. In this chapter, I will examine what is, I argue, an irreducible plurality of forms of power itself. I leave until the following chapter to explore
the moral considerations appropriate for the evaluation of its legitimacy.
However, in the current chapter, I do go some way towards addressing
Air policing was used in many colonial possessions, but its most effective
incidence occurred in the crescent of territory from north-eastern Africa,
through South-West Arabia, to North West Frontier of India. This book talks
about air policing and its role in offering a cheaper means of
'pacification' in the inter-war years. It illuminates the
potentialities and limitations of the new aerial technology, and makes important
contributions to the history of colonial resistance and its suppression. Air
policing was employed in the campaign against Mohammed bin Abdulla Hassan and
his Dervish following in Somaliland in early 1920. The book discusses the
relationships between air control and the survival of Royal Air Force in Iraq
and between air power and indirect imperialism in the Hashemite kingdoms. It
discusses Hugh Trenchard's plans to substitute air for naval or coastal
forces, and assesses the extent to which barriers of climate and geography
continued to limit the exercise of air power. Indigenous responses include being
terrified at the mere sight of aircraft to the successful adaptation to air
power, which was hardly foreseen by either the opponents or the supporters of
air policing. The book examines the ethical debates which were a continuous
undercurrent to the stream of argument about repressive air power methods from a
political and operational perspective. It compares air policing as practised by
other European powers by highlighting the Rif war in Morocco, the Druze revolt
in Syria, and Italy's war of reconquest in Libya.
Do young people use popular culture to acquire knowledge of, and pass
judgement on, the wider world of politics? This is the question that this
chapter tries to answer. It does so by reporting on the focus group discussions and interviews that we had with our young participants. We begin,
not by focusing on politics specifically, but by looking at how works of
fiction and the imagination are deemed to connect to the ‘real world’.
In listening to the talk generated by our interviews and focus groups
we found one of the most common ways in which