Chad Van Dixhoorn

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 6 Presbyterian ecclesiologies at the Westminster assembly Chad Van Dixhoorn ECCLESIASTICAL CONTEXTS T he Westminster assembly was in many ways the high point of the puritan experiment. The special morning service on 1 July 1643 saw the nave of Westminster Abbey thronged with supporters of a godly reformation. Long prayed-for alterations in worship, clarifications in doctrine and renovations in church government were finally within reach. While continuing reformation was to proceed on all three fronts

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Abstract only
Anthony Ascham and English political thought, 1648–50
Author: Marco Barducci

The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.

Abstract only
Andrew R. Holmes

January 1871, its membership largely drawn from the descendants of English settlers in the early modern period. By contrast, Presbyterians in Ireland were not part of the established Church, rejected diocesan episcopacy and apostolic succession, and traced their origins to the influx of Scottish settlers to the northern province of Ulster in the seventeenth century, an area that remained their heartland and where they constituted the majority of Protestants.2 Throughout the nineteenth century, an Irish-­Scottish identity was asserted by Presbyterians as a means of

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48
Elliot Vernon

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 7 ‘They agree not in opinion among themselves’: two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48 Elliot Vernon1 I n 1659 Richard Baxter identified four parties to the previous decades’ dispute over church government: ‘the Episcopall, Presbyterians, Congregationall, [and] Erastian’.2 Despite its ubiquity in historical writing, the last of Baxter’s parties, the ‘Erastian’, was a recent neologism. Prior to the civil wars, English writers had

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Marco Barducci

As hinted in Chapter 2 , during the 1640s opposition to Charles I also drew on natural law theory. Parliamentarians shared the idea that the natural right of self-preservation was better secured through the safeguard of state’s order. 1 However, Presbyterian writers put an emphasis on the people’s consent, regarding it as duty toward God-derived authority, while they

in Order and conflict
Alan Ford

be dated to the early years of Elizabeth’s reign, though it remained, by and large, within the confines of the established church, and, apart from those ‘hasty’ members who chose to separate, continued to advocate a national church. The attempt by English puritans to create Presbyterian structures within the Church of England ended in defeat in the late 1580s. Though Presbyterianism survived, English puritanism subsequently became less concerned with church government than with the creation of godly communities at a parochial level, often with the enthusiastic

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland
Abstract only
An introduction
James G. Patterson

1 Antrim and Down: an introduction Historians have traditionally considered the non-sectarian republicanism of the United Irish movement in east Ulster to have died a sudden death in the wake of the crushing defeat of the rebel armies of Antrim and Down in June 1798. The traditional view also holds that the Presbyterians of the two counties, who had been at the heart of the movement from its inception seven years earlier, made a rapid transition from rebel to loyalist often embracing the Orange Order in the process. Completing this model is the re-emergence of

in In the wake of the great rebellion
Joel Halcomb

local politics.2 The interregnum church remained skeletal in the face of these challenges. While the ancient parish system, based on rights of patronage and (despite constant sniping) tithes, remained intact, episcopacy had been abolished in 1646, and the Westminster assembly’s presbyterian replacement was stillborn. Structures were put in place for the oversight of parish ministry, but the government failed to establish a national confession of faith and resisted any set forms of discipline or worship.3 Most importantly, there was no requirement for anyone to attend

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66

This book introduces the reader to emerging research in the broad field of 'imperial migration' and shows how this 'new' migration scholarship had developed our understanding of the British World. This is done through an analysis of some of former colonies of British Empire such as Australia, Canada, India and Zambia. The book focuses on the ideas of Reverend Thomas Malthus of how population movements presaged forces within sectors of a pre-industrial economy. The formation of national and imperial identities along racial lines in the mid-nineteenth century is covered by an analysis of the mid-nineteenth century British censuses. The clergy played a pivotal role in the importation and diffusion of a sense of British identity (and morality) to Australian churchgoers. The resistance and accommodation of Welsh Presbyterianism in Eastern Bengal is investigated through the varieties of engagement with Indian Christians and non-Christians. The book argues that Asian migration and the perceived threat it posed to the settler colonies was an issue which could unite these seemingly incongruent elements of the British World. Child migration has become a very sensitive and politically charged issue, and the book examines one of the lesser studied child migration agencies, the Middlemore Children's Emigration Homes. The book also deals with the cultural cross-currents in the construction of an Anglo-Canadian or 'Britannic' national identity. The white settlers' decisions to stay on after independence was granted to Zambia are instructive as it fills an important gap in our understanding of Africa's colonial legacy.

The Welsh experience of church polity, 1640–60
Stephen K. Roberts

contrasting wings of what we might continue usefully to call the puritan movement during the 1640s: Harley as a presbyterian, Cromwell as an independent. The 1650 act of the Rump Parliament was self-evidently an independent creation, in which the principle of itineracy was enshrined. An immediate result of the 1640–42 lobbying of Parliament was an order to despatch itinerants to Wales that was repeated in 1647 before being cast into legislation in 1650. Bowen asks whether an essential division in puritan opinion, on the strategy for evangelising in Wales, was a fault line

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66