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The end of neoliberalism?
Robert Chernomas
,
Ian Hudson
, and
Mark Hudson

, 2018 ). While it is undoubtedly true that President Trump's “America First” slogan did not square easily with the neoliberal idea of globalization, the extent to which his administration, once in office, would usher in a broad restructuring of policy away from neoliberalism was a more open question. In order to evaluate the Trump election and its aftermath, we will first examine whether the voting patterns that brought Trump to power marked a continuation of, or a deviation from, previous elections during the neoliberal period discussed in Chapter 6 . We will then

in Neoliberal lives
Open Access (free)
Ross M. English

7 President and Congress President John Tyler stated that he enjoyed good health, and felt much better since Congress had finally adjourned. (L. A. Godbright, 1869) At the heart of the Constitution is the separation of power between the President of the United States and Congress. The President has the roles of chief diplomat, Commander-inChief of the Armed Forces and, as head of the executive branch, the responsibility for executing the laws passed by Congress. While the President and Congress were given separate powers and responsibilities, the Founding

in The United States Congress
Andrew Knapp

8 From the Gaullist movement to the president’s party Andrew Knapp The right From the Gaullist movement to the president’s party Introduction Most major European countries are content with just one major party of the centre-right: Britain’s Conservatives, Spain’s PPE, Germany’s CDU–CSU. France has always had at least two. The electoral cycle of April–June 2002, however, held out the prospect of change by transforming the fortunes of France’s centre-right in two ways. A double victory at the presidential and parliamentary elections kept Jacques Chirac in the

in The French party system
Richard Lapper

On the surface, everything about the two-hour cabinet meeting that took place on 22 April 2020 seemed ordered and calm. Two dozen ministers and senior officials – most of them men wearing dark suits and ties – sat around a conference table. The blurred outlines of Brasília’s skyline were visible through the Planalto Palace’s blinds as General Walter Braga Netto, the president’s chief of staff, explained how the government should coordinate its response to the coronavirus pandemic. At first the tone was bland, low-key. Braga Netto, sitting next to Bolsonaro

in Beef, Bible and Bullets
Jack Holland

It’s like we’re in an episode of The West Wing here. You couldn’t make this stuff up. Obama’s chief of staff David Axelrod 1 … they’re ignorant and they’re dumb as shit. And that, ladies and gentlemen, is democracy. Vice-President Selina Meyer, Veep 2 Introduction The presidency has long been a popular topic for film and television, with a multitude of contemporary shows focusing on the dynamics of the White House. 3 Often, the president stands metaphorically for America’s nature. On this point, it is illuminating to consider and

in Fictional television and American Politics
James P. Pfiffner

President Bush was accused by some in the popular press of lying in his arguments for taking the US to war with Iraq in 2003. But in order to make judgments about the accuracy of the president’s statements, the claims must be analyzed separately. This chapter examines several sets of statements by President Bush and his administration: first, about the implication that

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Resilience and the Language of Compassion
Diego I. Meza

Introduction The Colombian government has been engaged in processes of regulating internally displaced persons (IDPs). So, how can we understand the Colombian government’s responses to internal displacement? More specifically, what discourses and practices have been used to regulate this vulnerable population? What are the consequences? To understand the logic of this power apparatus, I focus on psychosocial assistance and on the speeches of President Juan Manuel Santos, using testimonies to show the implementation of humanitarianism, not as an intervention

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Luís Fiori

) The White House published the new ‘National Security Strategy of the United States of America’ at the end of 2017, as the first year of President Donald Trump’s mandate was coming to an end ( The White House, 2017 ). It is a broad declaration, which defines the principal interests of the US and the actions that will be undertaken to protect national security against every kind of threat, from all over the world. It would be a mistake to treat this as just one more periodic document produced for bureaucratic purposes. The strategy was developed by

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

Committee on Human Rights that the former president should be allowed to run in the forthcoming election. ‘We have conditions to do great things,’ he said to me when we met, ‘but of course we need a legitimate government.’ It is far from clear that the election, only weeks away, can deliver this. Juliano Fiori: You first served as Brazilian foreign minister in the early 1990s. Between then and now, what has been the principal change in the conduct of international relations? Celso Amorim: For me, the most important change to note is that, for the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

political agenda to promote individual entitlements that transcend national citizenship ( Moyn, 2010 ). In his inaugural address, in January 1977, President Jimmy Carter declared that ‘Our commitment to human rights must be absolute’ (quoted in Moyn, 2014: 69 ). Under the guardianship of the UN, following the UDHR in 1948, the concept of human rights had lacked prescriptive force; only once adopted by the US as an instrument of order and hegemony did it become the basis for a global movement. For many liberal commentators at the turn of the 1990s

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs