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Strategies for global change

This book analyses the evolving Anglo-American counter-terror propaganda strategies that spanned the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as reconstruction, between 2001 and 2008. It offers insights into the transformation beyond this period, tracking many key developments as much as possible up to the time of writing (2013) and providing a retrospective on the 'war on terror'. Using empirical data located within multiple spheres, the book draws on sociology, political science and international relations, developing an interdisciplinary analysis of political communication in the international system. It shows how media technologies presented legal, structural and cultural problems for what were seen as rigid propaganda systems defined by their emergence in an old media system of sovereign states with stable target audiences. Propaganda successes and advances were an inconsistent by-product both of malfunction and of relationships, cultures and rivalries, both domestically and between the partners. The differing social relations of planners and propagandists to wider society create tensions within the 'machine', however leaders may want it to function. The book demonstrates that the 'messy' nature of bureaucracy and international systems as well as the increasingly fluid media environment are all important in shaping what actually happens. In a context of initial failures in formal coordination, the book stresses the importance of informal relationships to planners in the propaganda war. This situated Britain in an important yet precarious position within the Anglo-American propaganda effort, particularly in Iraq.

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Philip M. Taylor

Chapter 12 Tudor Propaganda In England, where indeed the Catholic Church had been rooted out by the Henrician reformation of the 1530s, Henry VIII’s minister Thomas Cromwell is said to have launched ‘the first campaign ever mounted by any government in any state of Europe’ to exploit the propaganda potential of the printing press. Henry VII, the founder of the Tudor dynasty, had always been acutely aware of the importance of propaganda as a means of consolidating his power. Henry was determined to legitimize his dynasty in the eyes of God, the Pope, and Europe

in Munitions of the Mind
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Clemence and Laurence Housman
Jill Liddington

3 Propaganda culture: Clemence and Laurence Housman The new propaganda culture necessarily centred predominantly on London and its premier bohemian boroughs: Kensington, Chelsea and Hampstead. Here were created rich displays of suffrage publicity by painters, groups of designers, networks of writers and journalists. And here, no site could match the impressive wealth of creativity that flowed from a single household: 1 Pembroke Cottages just off Kensington High Street, home of the inseparable siblings Clemence and Laurence Housman. They were not however the

in Vanishing for the vote
The manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880–1960

Imperial history and the imperial idea have been examined almost entirely in a centrifugal manner, as the radiation of influences from Britain into its wider hinterland. This book explores the manifestations of the imperial idea, from the trappings of royalty through writers like G. A. Henty to the humble cigarette card. It uses popular imperialism as a focus for the examination of the theatre, the cinema, education, juvenile literature, imperial exhibitions, youth movements, and a variety of imperial propaganda bodies between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. The most aggressive and innovative advertisers of the day were companies dependent on the imperial economic nexus, in tea, chocolate, soaps and oils, tobacco, meat extracts, shipping, and later rubber. Middle and upper-class attachment to the music hall developed out of its success among the working class. Radio conveyed a sense of the unity of Empire, at least in the public mind, such as the Edwardian imperial societies had found unattainable. After the Second World War the British Broadcasting Corporation (B.B.C.) continued to present a vision of a beneficent and regenerative Empire. The great exhibitions which from the 1880s came to be dominated by the imperial theme offer the most striking examples of both conscious and unconscious approaches to imperial propaganda. By the 1880s the new morality had come to be wedded to the late nineteenth-century world view and was suffused with the patriotic, racial, and militarist elements which together made up the new popular imperialism.

Emma Louise Briant

3 Formal propaganda (mis-)coordination Introduction The changes to propaganda in both the UK and US described above and the huge investment in expanding the propaganda apparatus prompted demands for strategic coordination. But as this chapter will show, we did not witness the coordinated, systematic response of a well-oiled propaganda machine. Improved coordination of capabilities such as PSYOP and Public Affairs, or between different government departments, was seen as a requirement of modern propaganda in a changing media environment. As Jowett and O

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism
The public face of the UVF
Timothy Bowman

4 Parades and propaganda: the public face of the UVF The whole issue of Unionist propaganda during the Third Home Rule crisis is a complex one, which to date has received very little consideration from historians. Michael Foy’s important article on the subject shows the importance of picture postcards and cartoons in the Unionist campaign and suggests that Unionist propaganda was aimed at four different audiences: Ulster Unionists themselves, British public opinion, the Liberal government and Nationalist Ireland. Foy’s article does illustrate the problems which

in Carson’s army
Emma Louise Briant

4 Domestic planners, initiative and propaganda Introduction This chapter will show how practical propaganda functions were maintained despite the failings of formal structures described above. British and US propaganda function continued of course, and inconsistent responses brought adaptation despite organisational problems. This chapter extends the analysis, begun in the last, of the domestic propaganda strategy of each country and develops a thematic argument, highlighting trends that were crucial to propaganda policy-making within the countries. It shows

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism
John M. Mackenzie

homes. All these changes reflected technical developments which lay at the heart of the ‘new imperialism’, providing its motive power, its justification, and also the instruments through which its propaganda could be disseminated. It has been customary to see the age of the mass media as arriving with the cinema, the wireless, and television. But before the era of the electrical and electronic media

in Propaganda and Empire
Emma Louise Briant

2 Propaganda ‘boundaries’ and the extended apparatus Introduction This chapter will argue that the course of the propaganda ‘war on terror’ fuelled a domestic rethink of the propaganda apparatus in Britain and the US, and resulted in far-reaching changes to combat the vaguely defined and globally dispersed enemy. These pressures of systemic change ultimately placed great strain on strategic control mechanisms. This chapter shows how government agencies adapted to the demands of a fluid media environment. The globalised media was seen as precluding any capacity

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism
John M. Mackenzie

propaganda. They failed, and instead colonial (in both metropolitan and peripheral senses) activists and propagandists created a surprising range of imperial organisations between the 1880s and the First World War. In doing so, they prevented imperial propaganda from becoming institutionally ossified, as it might well have done had it been entirely centralised under the Imperial Institute. Each new society

in Propaganda and Empire