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Author: Bryan Fanning

In the last decade Irish society has visibly changed with the emergence of new immigrant communities of black and ethnic minorities. This book draws upon a number of academic disciplines, focusing on the relationship between ideological forms of racism and its consequences upon black and ethnic minorities. Media and political debates on racism in Ireland during this period have tended to depict it as a new phenomenon and even as one imported by asylum seekers. Ireland was never immune from the racist ideologies that governed relationships between the west and the rest despite a history of colonial anti-Irish racism. Citizenship reproduced inequalities between nationals on the basis of gender and race and ethnicity. The book explores how the processes of nation-building which shaped contemporary Irish society and the Irish state were accompanied by a politics of national identity within which claims of social membership of various minority groups were discounted. It examines the exclusionary and assimilationist consequences of Irish nationbuilding for Protestant, Jewish and Traveller minority communities. The book also considers anti-Semitism in Irish society from independence in 1922 until the 1950s. It examines how contemporary responses to refugees and asylum seekers have been shaped by a legacy of exclusionary state practices. Finally, the book talks about anti-Traveller racism, the politics of Traveller exclusion, the work of SPIARSI, and the efforts to contest racism and discrimination faced by minorities in Ireland as expressions of multiculturalism.

Bryan Fanning

Association, as in subsequent political and cultural movements, was dependant on the active support of the Church.6 Catholic conceptions of nation were also fostered through the emergence of a strong national and regional Catholic press by the 1840s.7 Protestant nationalism was based upon cultural and historical claims of Irishness as well as upon religious identity. A new IrishIreland hegemony undermined these claims within an exclusivist ideology, which constructed Ireland as a Catholic nation with a Gaelic cultural base and the Protestant minority as an ‘outgroup’. Yet

in Racism and social change in the Republic of Ireland
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P. J. McLoughlin

and Catholic-dominated state, but ultimately it was easier for them to embrace an Irish identity. For an overview of the Protestant experience in independent Ireland, see J. Coakley, ‘Religion, ethnic identity and the Protestant minority in the Republic’, in W. Crotty and D. E. Schmitt (eds), Ireland and the Politics of Change (London: Longman, 1998). P. Buckland, A History of Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1981), pp. 66–7; J. Tonge, Northern Irish: Conflict and Change (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2nd edn, 2002), p. 26. There had been intense

in John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism
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Parties and policy making in Ireland
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

years. During its first couple of decades, Cumann na nGaedheal and its successor Fine Gael were considered the party of the large farmer, successful businessmen, the Protestant minority and the upper middle classes. The brief spell at the helm of a five-party coalition Government from 1948–1951 reinvigorated Fine Gael and, by declaring a republic, facilitated a rebranding of the party so that it no longer orientated itself on articulating the Commonwealth cause. Subsequent attempts during the 1960s and 1980s to rebrand Fine Gael as a social democratic party never

in From Partition to Brexit
Brian Hanley

to the Protestant minority in the Republic. Neither is there any discrimination against them so they are in a very much more fortunate position than the Catholic minority in the North.’3 Indeed, during May 1972, over 100 prominent southern Protestants published an open letter to Ulster Unionists in which they stressed they had ‘every opportunity (to) play a full part in the affairs of the community’. They also asserted that in the Republic, ‘Protestants hold positions of importance and trust at least in proportion to their fraction of the population’.4 ‘A very

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Bryan Fanning

’s government. Cosgrave was personally in favour of upholding the values of the Catholic majority, yet he was unwilling to prohibit divorce because this was seen to infringe upon the rights of the Protestant minority. But Catholic public morality became increasingly reflected in the laws of the state over time. The importation of contraception was prohibited by a 1935 Act and de Valéra’s 1937 Constitution prohibited divorce.7 Cahill was in regular correspondence with de Valéra when the latter was drafting what would become the 1937 Constitution. Cahill’s 701-page Framework of

in Are the Irish different?
Bryan Fanning

unwilling to prohibit divorce because this was seen to infringe upon the rights of the Protestant minority. But Catholic public morality became increasingly reflected in the laws of the state over time. FANNING 9781784993221 PRINT.indd 46 19/01/2016 13:25 A Catholic vision of Ireland 47 The importation of contraception was prohibited by a 1935 Act, and de Valera’s 1937 Constitution prohibited divorce.7 Cahill was in regular correspondence with de Valera when the latter was drafting what would become the 1937 Constitution. Cahill’s 701page Framework of a Christian

in Irish adventures in nation-building
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Karin Fischer

a problem in the educational context. The Protestant minorities, while they remained at the margins of the Irish State’s self-perception, nevertheless had their own parallel network of schools, as is still the case today. But the issue of the social and cultural inclusion of minority groups in Irish education has now become a much wider one, as has been recognised in recent research. Beyond the question of more or less recognised minorities (including the growing number of people with no religious affiliation in the country), the present work will look at the

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
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Alec Ryrie

8 29/3/06, 2:34 PM Introduction Church had its certainties shaken, while the Protestant minority, already radicalised by the bitter experiences of the 1540s, grew more aggressive in its beliefs and its mood. The underground Protestant movement, whose spread is discussed in chapter 6, was still small, but it was acquiring both anger and self-confidence. How this situation toppled into crisis is the subject of chapter 7. It was not a simple matter of anti-French feeling, which in 1550s Scotland was no more than a background problem. The Scottish political classes

in The origins of the Scottish Reformation
Irish fiction and autobiography since 1990
Liam Harte

then, as novelist, poet, playwright and editor, has been devoted to challenging the dominance of this nationalist aesthetic by re-imagining history from the perspective of disenfranchised social groups: emigrants, the suburban working class, the Protestant minority. In the process he has become one of the leading literary sponsors of a liberal post-nationalism predicated on the need to incorporate cultural difference within an expanded definition of Irishness. Bolger’s most recent novel, The Family on Paradise Pier (2005), shows him extending his critique of the

in Irish literature since 1990