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and to project them into a field of study rather than pretending that they have no bearing on conclusions that are drawn (Connolly, 1993 ). Nevertheless, what we believe makes these generic issues and dilemmas particularly challenging in the specific case of the attempt to investigate contemporary public perceptions and experiences of security threats is that the scale and complexity of the research
everyday security practices that tend to apply primarily to ‘international’ (that is, overwhelmingly white) staff. 10 As we will discuss further, the prevailing sense among interviewees was that this was not necessarily out of concern for staff but rather due to concerns about insurance policies and public perceptions – indeed, some prefer to credit a 2015 court case, where aid worker Steve Dennis sued his former employer, with the rise of ‘duty of care’ (see Merkelbach and
funding landscape changed dramatically and the public perception of NGOs was also altered irrevocably [ Chabbott, 1999 : 227; Hilton et al. , 2012 : 301]. Biafra might not have been the first instance of popular support for NGOs, but it certainly accelerated their development into the kind of sector that we are familiar with now [ O’Sullivan et al. , 2016 ]. Marie-Luce : I agree with what Kevin has just said. Biafra is a very interesting moment
In recent years there has been a significant growth in interest of the so-called “law in context” extending legal studies beyond black letter law. This book looks at the relationship between written law and legal practice. It examines how law is applied in reality and more precisely how law is perceived by the general public in contrast to the legal profession. The authors look at a number of themes that are central to examining ways in which myths about law are formed, and how there is inevitably a constitutive power aspect to this myth making. At the same time they explore to what extent law itself creates and sustains myths. This line of enquiry is taken from a wide range of viewpoints and thus offers a unique approach to the question of relationship between theory and practice. The book critically assesses the public’s level of legal, psychological and social awareness in relation to their knowledge of law and deviant behaviour. This line of enquiry is taken from a wide range of viewpoints and thus offers a unique approach to the question of relationship between theory and practice. The book covers both empirical studies and theoretical engagements in the area of legal understanding and this affords a very comprehensive coverage of the area, and addressing issues of gender and class, as well as considering psychological material. It brings together a range of academics and practitioners and asks questions and address contemporary issues relating to the relationship between law and popular beliefs.
into intimate 241 ‘Curing queers’ contact with the gay community, and once again medicine was compelling homosexual men to examine their behaviour.2 The media were shaping a lot of public perception regarding the epidemic, and headlines such ‘Gay Plague’ characterised gay men as plague bearers who were highly contagious.3 Press coverage such as this created a backlash against homosexuals in the 1980s and served to confirm all the lingering prejudices, which had lain dormant during the 1970s. ‘Andy’ recalls, ‘It was OK to hate gay people again because we carried a
Science and the politics of openness However, there is currently a significant gap in research, either historically or contemporarily, into publics’ perceptions of the relationship between science and religion. It is important to note here I am purposely using the term ‘publics’, not the public. This is in recognition of the fact that there are multiple ways in which we can think about the ‘public’ or indeed that members of such ‘publics’ may identify themselves within different contexts. There is also an increasing recognition that the boundaries between expert
of the positivist approach and understand why the Irish legal system has marginalised regulatory crime from Defining crime: the ‘real’ crime obsession 27 the definition of crime in criminal law, this chapter now turns its attention to the sociological construction of crime. Explaining marginalisation: the social construction of crime The sociological approach explains that crime is constructed according the prevailing political and social norms (Morrison, 2013). Social interactions, public perceptions, and community responses are key to understanding this
building as experienced by the mass public, this chapter focuses on the views of ordinary citizens towards community relations. Using a wide range of survey data, we examine the nature and extent of communal divisions and address the question of whether or not public perceptions of relations between the two main religious communities have changed since the introduction of the Belfast Agreement in 1998. The first section
clerical students’ –processed the reporters’ raw copy and cleaned up factual, spelling, and grammatical errors.31 The public perception of the profession also left a lot to be desired. As Lionel Fleming of the Irish Times put it, there was ‘a certain stigma on the profession; an assumption by the public that reporters are all seedy and rather unscrupulous men, with a taste for drink, an ignorance of grammar, and a capacity for never getting their facts quite right’.32 Inglis concurred: ‘reporters were indeed a despised species, I found; all the more because we were
François Hollande was elected as France's second Socialist president in May 2012. By his mid-term in office, his presidency had broken all records in terms of unpopularity, and there was a widely diffused public perception of the individual being a poor fit for the accepted institutional role. The key to understanding Hollande's fall lay in the nature of his positioning as a ‘normal’ candidate and president (see below) and in his actions in the very early days of the presidency. The seventh president of the Fifth Republic exhausted his political resources