The legacy of history
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

because an understanding of this legacy is essential to a fuller appreciation of the formidable obstacles and challenges that those parties and elites behind the EL project have faced. Ultimately, in this chapter, we want to explore how history has affected or constrained the contemporary radical left's views towards Europe. The effects are ambiguous. Scholars have often drawn on the concept of path dependency to explain how a party's past history can, up to a certain point, shape, drive and constrain its policy evolution (see, for example

in The European Left Party
Daniel Finn

11 The British radical left and Northern Ireland during the ‘Troubles’ Daniel Finn From 1968 onwards, Northern Ireland was wracked by political violence: over 3,500 people would die in what was by far the bloodiest conflict in Western Europe since 1945. Adjusted for population size, the casualty figures bear comparison with combined American losses from Union and Confederacy alike during the Civil War. Most British politicians saw (or affected to see) the Northern Irish ‘Troubles’ as an unfortunate and exasperating mess, fuelled entirely by sectarian hatred

in Waiting for the revolution
Authors: Richard Dunphy and Luke March

Transnational party federations (TNPs) have been critical prisms through which to analyse the EU’s tensions between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. This study focuses on the radical left TNP, the European Left Party (EL), founded in 2004. It centres on four general questions: first; the conditions under which TNPs might be successful; second, how the EL compares with other TNPs, particularly those of the broad centre-left, the Party of European Socialists (PES) and the European Green Party (EGP); third, to what extent the EL has fostered a consensus over positions towards the EU previously conspicuously lacking among the radical left; and fourth, the degree to which the EL has enabled an increase in the electoral or policy influence of the radical left in Europe. The study highlights the strengths and weaknesses of TNPs as networks of Europeanisation; they have important roles in the EU political system but remain timid actors with only selectively developed transnationalism. It shows how the EL is a paradoxical actor; on the one hand it has brought radical left transnational co-operation to historical highs; on the other it is both less influential than the PES and less transnational and consolidated than the EGP. Such paradoxes result from persistent internal divisions between Europeanists and sovereigntists, as well as suboptimal internal structures. The influence of the EL is also paradoxical. It has emerged as a centre of attraction for the European radical left promoting the Left Europeanist position, but is a long way from being hegemonic or unchallenged on the left.

Open Access (free)
Paradoxes of hierarchy and authority in the squatters movement in Amsterdam
Author: Nazima Kadir

This book is an ethnographic study of the internal dynamics of a subcultural community that defines itself as a social movement. While the majority of scholarly studies on this movement focus on its official face, on its front stage, this book concerns itself with the ideological and practical paradoxes at work within the micro-social dynamics of the backstage, an area that has so far been neglected in social movement studies. The central question is how hierarchy and authority function in a social movement subculture that disavows such concepts. The squatters’ movement, which defines itself primarily as anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian, is profoundly structured by the unresolved and perpetual contradiction between both public disavowal and simultaneous maintenance of hierarchy and authority within the movement. This study analyzes how this contradiction is then reproduced in different micro-social interactions, examining the methods by which people negotiate minute details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle class norms.

Abstract only
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

contention and concern for the European left, and above all the European radical left (those parties defining themselves as to the left of and not merely on the left of social democracy and the Green party family). The radical left has been among the most avowedly internationalist of all party families, yet paradoxically has been among the most reluctant to organise internationally in the European arena. Yet this paradox has been seldom studied. With the exception of the major communist parties and some country and regional case studies, European radical left parties

in The European Left Party
The London left and the 1984–85 miners’ strike
Diarmaid Kelliher

sustain the strike for a year relied partly on the mass fundraising efforts of the large support networks. This chapter focuses on the role of London’s radical left in this solidarity campaign. As Jonathan Saunders noted, far-left organisations produced ‘mountains of literature’ on the strike, and ‘each organisation had its own 126 Waiting for the revolution particular slogan or formula’ that they believed was the key to victory.5 I mostly avoid these debates. Instead, I emphasise how activists constructed networks of solidarity between London and the coalfields. By

in Waiting for the revolution
Abstract only
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

centrifugal dynamic. Our study shows how tensions between aspirations for transnationalism and national sovereigntism are particularly pertinent for the left (and not just the radical left). The Great Recession was initially heralded as a ‘socialist moment’, in terms of encouraging critiques of neoliberalism and emphases on growth versus austerity (e.g. Meacham, 2009 ). As chapter 7 showed, such critiques have definitely increased in salience among the left TNPs (the PES, Greens and EL) since 2009. However, the crisis has more evidently resulted

in The European Left Party
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

It was far from obvious after the tumultuous events of 1989–91 that the debilitated forces of the radical left could re-coalesce to recapture even the minimal levels of cohesion and co-operation that they had possessed before 1989. After all, domestically parties’ electoral ratings went into freefall; many merged or transformed, in several cases into non-radical parties of the centre-left (the major instance being, as noted, the PCI becoming the Democratic Party of the Left and later the Democratic Party) or ecological left (the Communist Party of the

in The European Left Party
Europe, nationalism and left politics
Andy Storey

) [Is] it really… possible to promote a progressive nationalism without legitimizing the chauvinistic nationalism of the right-wing populists? (Attac Norway, 2018 ) Introduction How does the radical left in Europe approach the issue of European governance? The leaderships of almost all social democratic parties have long since embraced an overall commitment to European integration (Bailey, 2005 ), while being sometimes critical of particular aspects of it, but

in The European left and the financial crisis
Opportunity or catastrophe?
Michael Holmes and Knut Roder

crucial period for the left in Europe. It presents a comparative analysis across two dimensions. The first is between ten EU member states during the economic crisis, including bailout countries and what could be termed ‘creditor’ countries. The second dimension compares the different party families of the left, from social democracy through green left to the radical left. Even allowing for the fact that not every member state has a party system in which all these varieties of the left are present, it still leaves quite some range to consider. Rather than try to

in The European left and the financial crisis