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This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.

Open Access (free)
Passion and politics in the English Defence League

‘Loud and proud’: Politics and passion in the English Defence League is a study of grassroots activism in what is widely considered to be a violent Islamophobic and racist organisation.

The book uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at EDL events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL, and themselves, as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ inter alia through the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined group. In contrast activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated by a ‘two-tier’ justice system that privileges the rights of ‘others’. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of ‘being heard’ in a political system governed by a politics of silencing.

Unlike most studies of ‘far right’ movements, this book focuses not on the EDL as an organisation – its origins, ideology, strategic repertoire and effectiveness – but on the individuals who constitute the movement. Its ethnographic approach challenges stereotypes and allows insight into the emotional as well as political dimension of activism. At the same time, the book recognises and discusses the complex political and ethical issues of conducting close-up social research with ‘distasteful’ groups.

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From orthodox ‘populism studies’ to critical theory
Paul K. Jones

political parties and presidential contenders in European ‘established democracies’. Populism appeared to have ‘spread’ from the Third World, a term Worsley popularized, to what used to be called the First. 4 However, there are interdisciplinary rivalries within the field. This introductory chapter briefly situates the ‘classification dilemma’ in orthodox populism studies and the recent tension over the status of ‘radical right’ within this literature. It then turns to the ‘original’ Radical Right

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
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Paul Jackson

used in an analytical manner, rather than simply being a pejorative. This book focuses on the extreme right, including fascists, because while there has been much discussion on the impact of the larger radical right in Britain, especially United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP ) under Nigel Farage, there has been less analysis of the extreme right and British fascism. Often what has been developed

in Pride in prejudice
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Stanley R. Sloan

even legal, immigration had not only been costly to the country’s financial well-being but also increased the risk of terrorists slipping in to attack Americans. These positions were then translated into attempts by the Trump administration to limit travel from largely-Muslim countries to the United States and proposals to build a wall along the US border with Mexico. This focus on immigration as part of Trump’s appeal to his base brought him into line with the radical right populist movements and parties in Europe. In August 2017, Trump’s reliance on support from

in Transatlantic traumas
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement
Hilary Pilkington

Introduction Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement This book is political – but not by design. It is rendered so by its object of study (the English Defence League) and its context – the rise of a new ‘far right’1 and ‘populist radical right’ across Europe and, more recently, America. It argues that establishing an academic ‘cordon sanitaire’ (Mouffe, 2005: 72), in the form of typological and classificatory approaches that focus solely on the ideological dimensions of such movements and confine them to

in Loud and proud
David Thackeray

don’t want a lot of dirty pro-Germans using our name in order to work their own dirty ends’.6 Rather than pacifying the crowd, the speech immediately preceded the high point of violence, when the peace delegates dispersed and were at the mercy of a baying crowd outside the chapel.7 Although a wartime electoral truce existed in Britain between 1914 and 1918, it did not mean that politics was in abeyance. In fact, the emergence of radical right politics during these years indicated that it excited more furious passions than ever. The wartime radical right was

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Věra Stojarová

:26). Issues with the terms Right and Left, however, are not the only terminological conundrum. Terminology related to the Far Right party family remains vague, and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical Right (e.g. Ramet 1999, Minkenberg 2008), extreme Right (e.g. Mudde 2000a, Mareš 2009), Right-wing extremist (Roberts 1994, Merkl and Weinberg 1997, Arzheimer and Carter 2006, Vejvodová 2008), neo-Fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998

in The Far Right in the Balkans
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Ian Connor

radical right-wing groups and the KPD. However, an analysis of the refugees’ voting behaviour indicates that leading politicians misperceived the nature of the political threat emanating from these new population groups. The outcome of Landtag elections between 1946 and 1950 and the first Bundestag Election in August 1949 demonstrated unequivocally the refugees’ emphatic rejection of communism. Memories of their treatment by Soviet troops during their flight or expulsion from their homelands were sufficient to make the refugees and expellees immune to the overtures of

in Refugees and expellees in post-war Germany
Martin Steven

Model. Meanwhile, the more radical right ideas of the Danish People's Party, the Finns Party and the Sweden Democrats seem strangely at odds with the broadly mainstream views of the group's leadership. So the configuration of member parties of ECR clearly reflects what could be considered its major internal ideological tension regardless of what its leadership attempts with regard to promoting coherent messaging. There are essentially two large parties which have tended to have around twenty or so MEPs, taking into account minor fluctuations over

in The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)