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Introduction Radicalisation, and the process towards violence the term implies, has motivated governments to develop policies to prevent/counter violent extremism (P/CVE) across the globe (Hardy 2018 ). The logic underpinning this development is simple and in consonance with today’s pre-crime society (Heath-Kelly and Shanaah 2022 ; McCulloch and
expected consequences’, which reproduces the classical view of sciences by clearly separating a realm of subjects from a realm of objects. In doing so, this logic creates distance, both ontological and geographical, between the securitis ers – the security practitioners at the federal and local level – and the securitis ees – the individuals securitised and considered at risk of being radicalised. To put it differently, the securitisers are remote from their securitisees in the sense that a Remote Other is constructed and essential to securitising the Muslim population
How can potential future terrorists be identified? Forming one of the four
pillars of the United Kingdom’s counter-terrorism strategy CONTEST, Prevent
seeks to answer, and act on, this question. Occupying a central role in security
debates post-9/11, Prevent is concerned with understanding and tackling
radicalisation. It carries the promise of early intervention into the lives of
those who may be on a pathway to violence.
This book offers an innovative
account of the Prevent policy, situating it as a novel form of power that has
played a central role in the production and the policing of contemporary British
identity. Drawing on interviews with those at the heart of Prevent’s
development, the book provides readers with an in-depth history and
conceptualisation of the policy. The book demonstrates that Prevent is an
ambitious new way of thinking about violence that has led to the creation of a
radical new role for the state: tackling vulnerability to radicalisation.
Foregrounding the analytical relationship between security, identity and
temporality in Prevent, this book situates the policy as central to contemporary
identity politics in the UK. Detailing the history of the policy, and the
concepts and practices that have been developed within Prevent, this book
critically engages with the assumptions on which they are based and the forms of
power they mobilise.
In providing a timely history and analysis of British
counter-radicalisation policy, this book will be of interests to students and
academics interested in contemporary security policy and domestic responses to
the ‘War on Terror’.
This chapter explores the potential impact of UK counter-radicalisation initiatives on free speech in the university classroom and argues for a considerable overhaul of such policies. Since 2015, universities, and other educational institutions and public bodies, have been under a legal duty to have due regard to stop people being drawn into terrorism – known as the Prevent duty. 1 This has required the implementation of a range of policies and procedures, from measures to improve information technology security to the monitoring of external speakers
town ministry he shared with the future congregationalist Jeremiah Burroughes, suggests a picture of a godly preacher who nevertheless accepted the conformity required by the Church of England. 4 Yet, by 1641 Calamy would be at the centre of parliamentarian opposition to Laudian prelacy, advocating fundamental reform of the polity of the Church of England in a presbyterian direction. This chapter will explore the radicalisation of many of London’s moderate puritans during the period 1637–40 in the wake of the crisis
6 The issue of political radicalisation Introduction In the course of this book it has become evident that leading political figures in the Western Occupation Zones of Germany had deep fears that the 7.5 million German refugees and expellees from the East would represent a source of political radicalisation in the new West German state which was being founded under the guidance of the Western Allies. This view was based on the assumption that the severe economic deprivation the refugees were suffering would make them a fickle and volatile force vulnerable to
Vic2-05_Vic01 10/03/2011 11:21 Page 123 Chapter 5 The radicalisation of foreign and defence policy in the 1980s The early 1980s saw a radicalisation of foreign and defence policy in Britain with the end of détente and an intensification of the Cold War. The Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher moved to the right at a time when the Labour Party was moving ideologically to the left, while the newly established Social Democratic Party (SDP) offered a middleground alternative to Labour. This combination meant that foreign and defence policy became a political
It has traditionally been held that Robert Southwell's poetry offers a curious view of Elizabethan England from the restricted perspective of a priest-hole. This book takes apart that idea – and the poetry – word by word and discovers layers of new meanings, hidden emblems and sharp critiques of Elizabeth's courtiers, and even of the ageing queen herself. Using the most recent edition of Southwell's poetry and manuscript materials, it addresses both poetry and private writings, including letters and diary material, to give context to the radicalisation of a generation of Southwell's countrymen and women. The book shows how the young Jesuit harnessed both drama and literature to give new poetic poignancy to their experience. Bringing a forensic approach to Southwell's ‘lighter’ pieces, it shows the extent to which Southwell engaged exclusively through them in direct artistic debate with Spenser, Sidney and Shakespeare, placing the poetry firmly in the English landscape familiar to Southwell's generation. Those concerned with early modern and Elizabethan culture will find much of interest in this study, including insights into the function of the arts in the private Catholic milieu, touched by Southwell in so many ways and places, from William Byrd's holy music to Mary Stuart's coded embroideries.
On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His name was Robert Emmet and he was standing trial for heading a rebellion on 23 July 1803. The iconic power of Robert Emmet in Irish history cannot be overstated. Emmet looms large in narratives of the past, yet the rebellion which he led remains to be fully contextualised. This book repairs this omission and explains the complex of politicisation and revolutionary activity extending into the 1800s, detailing the radicalisation of the grass roots, their para-militarism and engagement in secret societies. Drawing on a range of sources, the book offers a comprehensive insight into a relatively neglected period of history.
On the afternoon of September 11 2001 the Irish Prime Minister (Taoiseach), Bertie Ahern ordered the ‘heads of the security services of key government departments’ to undertake a complete re-evaluation of measures to protect the state from attack. Hence, underway within hours of the 9/11 outrage in the United States was potentially the most far-reaching review of Irish national security in decades. This book, an academic investigation of Irish national security policy as it has operated since 9/11, provides a theoretically informed analysis of that re-evaluation and the decisions that were taken as a consequence of it up until September 2008. In so doing, it draws on unprecedented access to Ireland's police, security and intelligence agencies; over twenty senior personnel agreed to be interviewed. Questions are raised over the effectiveness of the Irish agencies, the relative absence of naval and airborne defence and the impact on national security of the policy imperative to transform the Defence Forces, particularly the army, for more robust missions overseas. The book also considers the securitisation of Irish immigration policy and the apparent absence of a coherent integration policy despite international evidence suggesting the potential for radicalisation in socially marginalised western communities. Theoretically, the book demonstrates the utility to the analysis of national security policy of three conceptual models of historical institutionalism, governmental politics and threat evaluation.