The case for having some – but not a majority of – members elected, either directly or indirectly, has been made by various bodies. A minority report to the Royal Commission on the Constitution in 1973 recommended that 150 members be added, drawn from the Scottish, Welsh, and Northern Irish assemblies that the commission proposed (Royal Commission on the Constitution 1973 : paras. 297–307). However, the most prominent advocacy in recent decades has emanated from the Royal Commission on the Reform of the House of Lords, set up by the Blair government in 1999
The explicit use of temporal and spatial regulation to transform the
‘anti-social’ child or young person into a ‘decent citizen’, accepting
of ‘orderly community life’, was publicised through the 1946 dramadocumentary Children on Trial, which focused on the work of approved
schools in England and Wales.1 Filmed on location at the Liverpool
Farm School, Newton-le-Willows, it unusually made use of one of the
school’s pupils, ‘Fred Watson’, as a central protagonist in the narrative. The school’s headmaster, John Vardy, also appeared as himself,
Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686-1743) was a Scottish Jacobite émigré who spent most of his adult life in France. His political works predominantly relied on a mixture of British and French doctrines to stimulate a Jacobite restoration to the British throne. Ambitious and controversial, Ramsay believed that key reforms and a growing empire would make Britain the ‘capital of the universe.’ His position as an intellectual conduit between the two kingdoms enables an extensive assessment of the political thought in Britain and France. Examining a number of important thinkers from the 1660s to the 1730s, this work stresses the significance of seventeenth century ideology on the following century. Crucially, the monograph explores the exchange of ideas between the two countries in the early Enlightenment. A time when Britain had rejected the absolutist pretensions of James II in the Glorious Revolution (1688) to protect mixed sovereignty and a key role for Parliament. This enshrinement of liberty and mixed government struck a chord in France with theorists opposed to Louis XIV’s form of centralised sovereignty. Following Louis XIV’s death in 1715, greater support for monarchical reform became evident in French political theory. Aided by the viewpoints and methodology of intellectual conduits such as Ramsay, shared perspectives emerged in the two countries on the future of monarchy.
The Labour Party government elected in 1997 pledged to reform the Westminster parliament by modernising the House of Commons and removing the hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Events have consequently demonstrated the deep controversy that accompanies such attempts at institutional reconfiguration, and have highlighted the shifting fault-lines in executive-legislative relations in the UK, as well as the deep complexities surrounding British constitutional politics. The story of parliamentary reform is about the nature of the British political system, about how the government seeks to expand its control over parliament, and about how parliament discharges its duty to scrutinise the executive and hold it to account. This book charts the course of Westminster reform since 1997, but does so by placing it in the context of parliamentary reform pursued in the past, and thus adopts a historical perspective that lends it analytical value. It examines parliamentary reform through the lens of institutional theory, in order not only to describe reform but also to interpret and explain it. The book also draws on extensive interviews conducted with MPs and peers involved in the reform of parliament since 1997, thus offering an insight into how these political actors perceived the reform process in which they played a part. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the trajectory and outcome of the reform of parliament, along with an original interpretation of that reform and its implications.
This book is about the relationship between societies and their instruments of coercion at times of great political and societal change. It traces the scholarly and policy origins of the security sector reform concept, locating its recent rise to prominence in earlier debates about development, security and civil-military relations. The book takes a comparative approach to the concept and policy of security sector reform in transforming societies. It examines the security sector reform experiences of two paired case studies, Croatia and Serbia-Montenegro, through a systematic analytical framework. The book then analyses security sector reform at the political level, the organisational level and the international level in each country. It discusses the political legacy and the organisational legacy of the 1990s in each country. The book analyses the various strategies that international actors have used to try and encourage security sector reform in the two countries, including the provision of reform assistance programmes, and the application of pre- and direct conditionality. It traces how the reform process has impacted on issues of role, force structure, expertise and responsibility in the security sector itself. Finally, the book draws out a series of more generic conclusions regarding the security sector reform concept as a whole and its relationship to wider processes of political and societal transformation.
The attempt to both define and understand reform in the later tenth and eleventh centuries is the chief ambition of this book. The book explores ecclesiastical reform as a religious idea and a movement against the backdrop of social and religious change in later tenth- and eleventh-century Europe. In so doing, it seeks, on the one hand, to place the relationship between reform and the papacy in the context of the debate about 'transformation' in its many and varied forms. At the same time, although recognizing that the reform movement had its origins as much in individuals and events far away from Rome and royal courts, it has looked to act as something of a corrective to the recent tendency among historians of emphasizing reform developments in other localities at the expense of those being undertaken in Rome. The book addresses 'the religious revolution of the eleventh century' by exploring how reform and the papacy developed in the eleventh century, and how these changes affected the rules by which medieval society functioned. Particular attention is paid to the question of whether the 'peace of God' movement was a social revolution that progressively blurred into and merged with the papal-sponsored movement for reform, which was gathering pace from the middle of the century, or whether these forces were deliberately compacted by the reformers in their efforts to promote their vision for Christian society.
➤ Review of constitutional reform before 1997
➤ Analysis of the reasons behind the Labour reform plan of 1997
➤ Descriptions of the main reforms
➤ Analysis of the reforms
➤ Prospects for future reforms
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM BEFORE 1997
Attitudes to reform
The attitude of most governments towards constitutional reform during the
twentieth century has been essentially conservative. This has, of course, partly
been the result of the dominance of the Conservative party for most of that
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 138
Customs reform: protecting borders,
confirming statehood and transforming
of commodities across national borders is a primary
feature of conflict-related trade, customs services, tasked with monitoring the movement of goods and people across borders, emerge as
central institutions in the transformation of war economies. Not only do
they deal directly with the problem of smuggling in their work at border
crossings, but they are also involved in the investigation and tracking of
The Popular Front experiment and the French empire
Until the 1980s few historians
dissented from the view that the Socialistled Popular Front
government experimented with colonial reform but failed to bring
about fundamental change in the social and political life of the
colonies. 1 The
metropolitan authorities lacked the political will and the monetary
means to effect significant
sector (Crystal, 1995 : 7–37). Simultaneously, they have been the main beneficiaries of the willingness of the government to shore up the private sector after the 1976–77 stock market crash, the crash of an offshore market, known as the Suq al-Manakh, in 1982, and the financial crisis in 2008 (Nosova, 2016 : 74). Their privileged access to the rents has been a source of tension in Kuwaiti society and has fostered claims for redistribution among disadvantaged social groups (Beaugrand, 2019 : 59), complicating attempts towards fiscal reform following the drop in crude