Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia
departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights
in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork
among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations
and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict
reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local
modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely
unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local
discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the
violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control.
The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the
intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into
their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed
light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.
mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring
essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13).
It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those
providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing
to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives
of these same healthcare workers and the broader
possibility of starting a direct dialogue between the Israeli and the German governments on the question of Holocaust reparations. 6 At the time of Mendelsohn’s travels, many in Israel opposed the idea of having economic, political or social contacts with Germany – let alone of accepting any kind of material restitution or compensation for the horrors committed by the Nazis against the Jews. While his mission was not secret (indeed, several newspapers found out about his activities and reported them), it was not to be widely advertised, either, and Mendelsohn tried to
who died before embarkation.
reparations , restitution and the historian
In spite of the extensive supply area, discernible patterns emerge. The majority
of enslaved Africans were captured from the Gold Coast (part of modern-day
Ghana) and the Bight of Biafra in present-day Nigeria. Throughout the first half
of the eighteenth century, the shipment to Jamaica of Gold Coast Africans rose
sharply, compared to shipments from the other catchment regions, but declined
somewhat after 1776. This decline is a reflection of a 9% decline in total exports
The rapprochement between Germany and Israel in the aftermath of the Holocaust is one of the most striking political developments of the twentieth century. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently referred to it as a ‘miracle’. But how did this ‘miracle’ come about? Drawing upon sources from both sides of the Iron Curtain and of the Arab–Israeli conflict, Lorena De Vita traces the contradictions and dilemmas that shaped the making of German–Israeli relations at the outset of the global Cold War. Israelpolitik offers new insights not only into the history of German–Israeli relations, but also into the Cold War competition between the two German states, as each attempted to strengthen its position in the Middle East and the international arena while struggling with the legacy of the Nazi past.
Slavery and the slavery business have cast a long shadow over British history. In 1833, abolition was heralded as evidence of Britain's claim to be themodern global power, its commitment to representative government in Britain, free labour, the rule of law, and a benevolent imperial mission all aspects of a national identity rooted in notions of freedom and liberty. Yet much is still unknown about the significance of the slavery, slave-ownership and emancipation in the formation of modern imperial Britain. This essays in this book explore fundamental issues including the economic impact of slavery and slave-ownership, the varied forms of labour deployed in the imperial world, including hired slaves and indentured labourers, the development of the C19th imperial state, slavery and public and family history, and contemporary debates about reparations. The contributors, drawn from Britain, the Caribbean and Mauritius, include some of the most distinguished writers in the field: Clare Anderson, Robin Blackburn, Heather Cateau, Mary Chamberlain, Chris Evans, Pat Hudson, Richard Huzzey, Zoë Laidlaw, Alison Light, Anita Rupprecht, Verene A. Shepherd, Andrea Stuart and Vijaya Teelock. The impact of slavery and slave-ownership is once again becoming a major area of historical and contemporary concern: this book makes a vital contribution to the subject.
‘Eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new future for Mauritians?
The Mauritius Truth and Justice Commission:
‘eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new
future for Mauritians?
The Neale conference panel ‘Reparations, restitution and the historian’, at which
this paper was originally presented, attempted to address issues that have long
plagued independent states that were formerly colonial plantation and slave
societies. This was a laudable initiative, given that slavery and its legacies continue to haunt these societies in so many ways, with calls for reparations growing
louder day by day. As
Global Africa, Reparations, and the End of Pan-Africanism
vocal and sometimes vociferous. Reparations would, however, turn out to be the key that slammed African doors in the face of the diaspora.
The “West” – the United States, Canada and Western Europe – stood in solidarity with each other. Africa broke with its own diaspora, joined with the former enslavers and colonisers, sending shivers down the spines of Pan-African soldiers and scholars. Thus was shattered the Pan-African solidarity that had so painstakingly been constructed over half a millennium. One by one, African leaders told the
When the negotiations between West Germans and Israelis began, on 21 March 1952, the atmosphere was tense. The opening announcement read by the Israeli delegation stated that no amount of reparation would ever be enough to compensate the Jewish victims of the Nazi crimes. The one read by the West German delegation recognised the unprecedented nature of the crimes committed against the Jews – but it also stressed the importance of recognising Bonn’s limited ability to pay reparations under the present circumstances. 1 The slow rhythm of the exchange was marked
Catherine Hall, Nicholas Draper, and Keith McClelland
final set of issues that we were determined to address was the vexed question of reparations. How can the destruction of the slave trade and slavery ever be
repaired? What responsibility does Britain have and what are the implications of
this? From the beginning of our work on the compensation records it was clear
that the research had implications for these debates. Critics challenged our focus
on the individuals who were compensated, arguing that this took attention away
from the state. In providing a solid empirical account of who got the money, we
argue that we