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Anne Marie Losonczy

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Sophie Roborgh

2286 mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13). It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives of these same healthcare workers and the broader

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Lorena De Vita

possibility of starting a direct dialogue between the Israeli and the German governments on the question of Holocaust reparations. 6 At the time of Mendelsohn’s travels, many in Israel opposed the idea of having economic, political or social contacts with Germany – let alone of accepting any kind of material restitution or compensation for the horrors committed by the Nazis against the Jews. While his mission was not secret (indeed, several newspapers found out about his activities and reported them), it was not to be widely advertised, either, and Mendelsohn tried to

in Israelpolitik
An overview
Verene A. Shepherd

Africans who died before embarkation. 223 reparations , restitution and the historian In spite of the extensive supply area, discernible patterns emerge. The majority of enslaved Africans were captured from the Gold Coast (part of modern-day Ghana) and the Bight of Biafra in present-day Nigeria. Throughout the first half of the eighteenth century, the shipment to Jamaica of Gold Coast Africans rose sharply, compared to shipments from the other catchment regions, but declined somewhat after 1776. This decline is a reflection of a 9% decline in total exports of enslaved

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
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German–Israeli relations, 1949–69
Author: Lorena De Vita

The rapprochement between Germany and Israel in the aftermath of the Holocaust is one of the most striking political developments of the twentieth century. German Chancellor Angela Merkel recently referred to it as a ‘miracle’. But how did this ‘miracle’ come about? Drawing upon sources from both sides of the Iron Curtain and of the Arab–Israeli conflict, Lorena De Vita traces the contradictions and dilemmas that shaped the making of German–Israeli relations at the outset of the global Cold War. Israelpolitik offers new insights not only into the history of German–Israeli relations, but also into the Cold War competition between the two German states, as each attempted to strengthen its position in the Middle East and the international arena while struggling with the legacy of the Nazi past.

Slavery and the slavery business have cast a long shadow over British history. In 1833, abolition was heralded as evidence of Britain's claim to be themodern global power, its commitment to representative government in Britain, free labour, the rule of law, and a benevolent imperial mission all aspects of a national identity rooted in notions of freedom and liberty. Yet much is still unknown about the significance of the slavery, slave-ownership and emancipation in the formation of modern imperial Britain. This essays in this book explore fundamental issues including the economic impact of slavery and slave-ownership, the varied forms of labour deployed in the imperial world, including hired slaves and indentured labourers, the development of the C19th imperial state, slavery and public and family history, and contemporary debates about reparations. The contributors, drawn from Britain, the Caribbean and Mauritius, include some of the most distinguished writers in the field: Clare Anderson, Robin Blackburn, Heather Cateau, Mary Chamberlain, Chris Evans, Pat Hudson, Richard Huzzey, Zoë Laidlaw, Alison Light, Anita Rupprecht, Verene A. Shepherd, Andrea Stuart and Vijaya Teelock. The impact of slavery and slave-ownership is once again becoming a major area of historical and contemporary concern: this book makes a vital contribution to the subject.

‘Eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new future for Mauritians?
Vijayalakshmi Teelock

12 The Mauritius Truth and Justice Commission: ‘eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new future for Mauritians? Vijayalakshmi Teelock The Neale conference panel ‘Reparations, restitution and the historian’, at which this paper was originally presented, attempted to address issues that have long plagued independent states that were formerly colonial plantation and slave societies. This was a laudable initiative, given that slavery and its legacies continue to haunt these societies in so many ways, with calls for reparations growing louder day by day. As

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
Global Africa, Reparations, and the End of Pan-Africanism
Hilary Beckles

vocal and sometimes vociferous. Reparations would, however, turn out to be the key that slammed African doors in the face of the diaspora. The “West” – the United States, Canada and Western Europe – stood in solidarity with each other. Africa broke with its own diaspora, joined with the former enslavers and colonisers, sending shivers down the spines of Pan-African soldiers and scholars. Thus was shattered the Pan-African solidarity that had so painstakingly been constructed over half a millennium. One by one, African leaders told the

in The Pan-African Pantheon
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Lorena De Vita

When the negotiations between West Germans and Israelis began, on 21 March 1952, the atmosphere was tense. The opening announcement read by the Israeli delegation stated that no amount of reparation would ever be enough to compensate the Jewish victims of the Nazi crimes. The one read by the West German delegation recognised the unprecedented nature of the crimes committed against the Jews – but it also stressed the importance of recognising Bonn’s limited ability to pay reparations under the present circumstances. 1 The slow rhythm of the exchange was marked

in Israelpolitik
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Catherine Hall, Nicholas Draper, and Keith McClelland

final set of issues that we were determined to address was the vexed question of reparations. How can the destruction of the slave trade and slavery ever be repaired? What responsibility does Britain have and what are the implications of this? From the beginning of our work on the compensation records it was clear that the research had implications for these debates. Critics challenged our focus on the individuals who were compensated, arguing that this took attention away from the state. In providing a solid empirical account of who got the money, we argue that we

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world