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2 Representation Patient autonomy did not just concern more say for individuals. Collective representation of the interests of patient-consumers as a whole was an important issue during the late 1960s and early 1970s. At this time, the notion that the patient-consumer should be represented within health services gathered political and practical impetus. A critical development was the creation of the CHCs. Formed as part of the reorganisation of the NHS in 1973, 207 CHCs were established in England and Wales, with similar bodies in Scotland and Northern Ireland
4712P BOSNIA-PT/bp.qxd 6/12/06 15:04 Page 58 4 On representation The hostage is the nonconsenting, the unchosen guarantee of a promise he hasn’t made, the irreplaceable one who is not in his own place. It is through the other that I am the same, through the other that I am myself: it is through the other who has always withdrawn me from myself.1 Pinned up on the wall above my desk at the University of Manchester is a newspaper print black and white photograph of a young Orthodox priest standing on the flagstones against the wall of a Kosovo monastery. It
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
production as negative, or should at least appear thus. Because art in turn can in no sense allow that to its works be attributed the function of an advisory conscience hence letting the represented thing be seen rather than the representation. Walter Benjamin
). Within this chapter, citizens’ views of representation are interrogated. Combining workshop data and responses to the Party Survey, I ask what it is that citizens want in terms of representation, and how they currently see representation to be performed. Looking at three aspects of representation, I argue that, at present, parties are not seen to realise many citizens’ ideals. Specifically, I show that many respondents want parties to balance representative styles, but perceive them to neglect trustee and, in particular, delegate styles (whilst appearing to meet
this type of arrangement between groups and members. It follows that where many groups are found to ‘fail’ to embody this set of arrangements, the democratic basis for engaging groups more closely with governing processes is thrown into doubt. In this chapter it is argued that the representation account does not serve us well in terms of setting the metrics with which one may go on to interpret empirical evidence of group democratic practice. Several objections are set out. It is maintained here that the expectations set by this frame are
05_Gender_Lib_Dems_105-127 15/12/10 09:06 Page 105 5 Women’s substantive representation: ‘for women’ but not by women The substantive representation of women refers to the representation of women’s interests. This chapter considers how and in what ways the party substantively represents women. Whilst previous research has highlighted the importance of looking at who acts, or claims to act, for women, this analysis of the Liberal Democrats also provides a useful case study for exploring the substantive representation of women by men. From a normative
Representation is a powerful force in world politics. As the production of meaning developed through language, symbols or signs, it is a significant factor in how we both construct reality and enact our performance of it. Representation conveys a particular understanding of the world around us, which is temporally situated and informed by events over time. Representation exposes power relationships and asymmetries that exist within practices of identity politics, precisely because representation is a form of abstraction and interpretation. 1
M410 HARRIS TEXT.qxd 20/7/06 11:35 AM Page 169 Phil's G4 Phil's G4:Users:phil:Public Conclusion: beyond (simple) representation? Metrosexuality and The Murder of Stephen Lawrence The context of Russell T. Davis’s remark, ‘No good drama ever comes out of representation’, cited at the end of Chapter 5, suggests that he is referring to simple, positive representation but also to the notion of ‘representation’ in terms of attempting to speak for, to and about a specific group as a whole. In this conclusion, I want to use this comment as a starting point for
tool for a whole current of cinematic thinking. It is therefore not surprising that history in its more casually accepted sense, and its cinematic representation, should also undergo reconsideration in the 1970s. Debate on the links between cinema and history had two main strands; the first, which does not particularly concern us here, concerned the relationship of documentary footage and archive material to the events and periods that they represent (see Cahiers du cinéma 1975 ; Comolli 1977 ; Gervais 1970 ), and had its