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John Toland and the crisis of Christian culture, 1696–1722
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This book explores the life, thought and political commitments of the free-thinker John Toland (1670–1722). Studying both his private archive and published works, it illustrates how he moved in both subversive and elite political circles in England and abroad. The book explores the connections between Toland's republican political thought and his irreligious belief about Christian doctrine, the ecclesiastical establishment and divine revelation, arguing that far from being a marginal and insignificant figure, he counted queens, princes and government ministers as his friends and political associates. In particular, Toland's intimate relationship with the Electress Sophia of Hanover saw him act as a court philosopher, but also as a powerful publicist for the Hanoverian succession. The book argues that he shaped the republican tradition after the Glorious Revolution into a practical and politically viable programme, focused not on destroying the monarchy but on reforming public religion and the Church of England. It also examines how Toland used his social intimacy with a wide circle of men and women (ranging from Prince Eugene of Savoy to Robert Harley) to distribute his ideas in private. The book explores the connections between his erudition and print culture, arguing that his intellectual project was aimed at compromising the authority of Christian ‘knowledge’ as much as the political power of the Church. Overall, it illustrates how Toland's ideas and influence impacted upon English political life between the 1690s and the 1720s.

An elusive ideal
Adrian O’Connor

7 Republican instruction: an elusive ideal The first years of the French Republic dazzle with the festivals, celebrations, ceremonies, proclamations, and spectacles that seemed to define republican pedagogy. Politics, and political pedagogy, seemed to be everywhere, as legislators “aimed to draw upon all the means of education and of propaganda to disseminate the ‘universal’ principles of morality and ideology.”1 These were also the years in which violence was most inescapably present as a complement and counterpart to public instruction and republican zeal.2

in In pursuit of politics
Eoin Daly
and
Tom Hickey

Introduction: Republican theory and republican constitutionalism No constitution neatly encapsulates a given political philosophy. Virtually all constitutional texts will proffer some philosophical ideas – most often popular sovereignty or human rights – to support their legitimacy and define their purpose. Indeed it is widely accepted that constitutions are more than narrow legal instruments concerned with technical institutional functions: they will typically claim to define the political and moral identity of a State, and perhaps that of the people or nation

in The political theory of the Irish Constitution
Rachel Foxley

Chapter 6 . Levellers into republicans? O n 19 May 1649 the regime which emerged from purge and regicide finally declared itself to be a ‘Commonwealth and Free State’.1 There was an almost uncannily neat divide between the end of Levelling and the beginning of an official republic. The army mutineers had been cornered at Burford only a few days before this official declaration; seven days after it, on 26 May 1649, the Long Parliament voted that a national day of thanksgiving should be held ‘for Publick Thanksgiving to Almighty God, for his great Mercy

in The Levellers
Adrian Millar

Symbolic relations Symbolic relations are the relations republicans have with the Other, out of which they invent themselves. Fink refers to these as ‘one’s relation to the Law, to the law laid down by one’s parents, one’s teachers, one’s religion, one’s country’ 1 or ‘the way people deal with ideals that have been inculcated in them by their parents

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
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Lessons for the Conservatives?
Edward Ashbee

2 Edward Ashbee The US Republicans The US Republicans: lessons for the Conservatives? Edward Ashbee Both Labour’s victory in the 1997 general election and the US Republicans’ loss of the White House in 1992 led to crises of confidence among conservatives. Although there were those in both countries who attributed these defeats to presentational errors or the campaigning skills of their Labour and Democrat opponents, others saw a need for far-reaching policy shifts and a restructuring of conservative politics. This chapter considers the character of US

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Fourthwrite and the Blanket
Paddy Hoey

5 A republican digital counterculture? Fourthwrite and the Blanket The republican leadership had for long made much of the concept of ‘community as one’. There would be no alternative voices. Sean Russell rather than Peadar O’Donnell being the role model that suited best.1 If Sinn Féin’s response to the changing political landscape and the rise of the Internet was to dynamically restructure its own activist media output and the internal dynamics of the Irish republican sphere in the process, then the online world was a space that would also inspire and

in Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters
Adrian Millar

Introduction Using interview material, in this chapter I examine the rationalisations involved in the imaginary dimension of republican relations with socially and politically significant others, 1 principally members of the Protestant community, 2 and in so doing demonstrate the power of a Lacanian model for conflict analysis. Imaginary relations are

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
William White

Dugdale in particular has highlighted the ways in which episcopalian royalists used superficially uncontentious historical and literary works to express their opposition to the republican establishment. 4 More broadly, scholars are now attuned to the fact that speech and language could be potentially powerful ‘weapons of the weak’ and ‘an important form of political action’ in early modern England, often

in The Lord’s battle
Martin O’Shaughnessy

5 Between Republican walls Awarded the Palme d’Or at Cannes, Entre les murs (The Class) was the film that cemented Cantet’s reputation as one of France’s leading film-makers. It also confirmed the director’s convictions about how his films should be made, in terms of both their production and their relationship to contemporary issues. Based on François Bégaudeau’s novel of the same name, Entre les murs was shot with an entirely amateur cast that included the novelist himself as the main character, teacher François Marin. Set in a school in north Paris, the film

in Laurent Cantet