The early history of the white settler
state of Southern Rhodesia provides a quite remarkable example of the
extension of the ‘Island Story’. From the entry of the
Pioneer Column to Mashonaland in 1890, to the death, twelve years later,
of the ‘Founder’, Cecil Rhodes, the historical
chapter will be the first published
discussion of the topic. Focusing exclusively on black intellectual
history, it argues that in Southern Rhodesia all the available resources
of western and indigenous medicine and ideology were drawn upon in an
attempt to explain and contain the pandemic. None of them succeeded in
containing it. Despite this, adherents of both western and indigenous
Nursing services in Rhodesia’s government hospitals in the post-Second World War period experienced a gradual and steady transformation. As previously noted, the government began opening up formal training of nursing to African women who embraced the opportunity for various reasons. These women became the backbone of nursing services, nursing their own people in government hospitals in the 1960s. This transformation, which I call the Africanisation of the hospital, began in the mid-1940s. Again, as highlighted, the baby steps of this Africanisation
This book explores the class experiences of white workers in Southern Rhodesia. Interest in white identity, power and privilege has grown since struggles over white land ownership in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s, yet research has predominately focused on middle-class and rural whites. By critically building upon whiteness literature developed in the United States and synthesising theories of race, class and gender within a critical Marxist framework, this book considers the ways in which racial supremacy and white identity were forged and contested by lower-class whites. It demonstrates how settler anxieties over hegemonic notions of white femininity and masculinity, white poverty, Coloureds, Africans and ‘undesirable’ non-British whites were rooted in class experience and significantly contributed to dominant white worker political ideologies and self-understandings. Based on original research conducted in the United Kingdom, South Africa and Zimbabwe, this book also explores how white workers used notions of ‘white work’ and white ‘standards of living’ to mark out racial boundaries. In doing so the author demonstrates how the worlds of work were embedded in the production of social identities and structural inequalities as well as how class interacted and intersected with other identities and oppressions. This book will be of interest to undergraduates and academics of gender, labour, race and class in African and imperial and colonial history, the history of emotions and settler colonial studies.
Settlers at the End of Empire is a ground-breaking study that integrates the neglected history of emigration from the United Kingdom with the history of immigration to the United Kingdom in the second half of the twentieth century. Drawing attention to the volume and longevity of British emigration, Settlers at the End of Empire analyses the development of racialised migration regimes in the United Kingdom, South Africa and Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe), from the Second World War to the collapse of the apartheid regime in 1994. Both white emigration from the United Kingdom and the arrival of increasing numbers of Commonwealth migrants of colour were cast as signs of national decline and many emigrants cited the arrival of migrants of colour as a factor in their decision to leave. South Africa and Rhodesia meanwhile, moved from selective immigration policies in the 1940s and 1950s to an intensive recruitment of white migrants in the 1960s and 1970s. This was an attempt by these increasingly embattled settler regimes to increase their white populations and thereby defend minority rule. Though such efforts bore limited results in war-torn Rhodesia, South Africa saw a dramatic increase of European and especially British migrants from the 1960s to the early 1980s, just as the United Kingdom implemented immigration restrictions aimed at Commonwealth migrants of colour. In all three nations, therefore, though they took different forms, migration policies were intended to defend nations imagined as white in the wake of imperial collapse.
The debate about the Empire dealt in idealism and morality, and both sides employed the language of feeling, and frequently argued their case in dramatic terms. This book opposes two sides of the Empire, first, as it was presented to the public in Britain, and second, as it was experienced or imagined by its subjects abroad. British imperialism was nurtured by such upper middle-class institutions as the public schools, the wardrooms and officers' messes, and the conservative press. The attitudes of 1916 can best be recovered through a reconstruction of a poetics of popular imperialism. The case-study of Rhodesia demonstrates the almost instant application of myth and sign to a contemporary imperial crisis. Rudyard Kipling was acknowledged throughout the English-speaking world not only as a wonderful teller of stories but as the 'singer of Greater Britain', or, as 'the Laureate of Empire'. In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, the Empire gained a beachhead in the classroom, particularly in the coupling of geography and history. The Island Story underlined that stories of heroic soldiers and 'fights for the flag' were easier for teachers to present to children than lessons in morality, or abstractions about liberty and responsible government. The Education Act of 1870 had created a need for standard readers in schools; readers designed to teach boys and girls to be useful citizens. The Indian Mutiny was the supreme test of the imperial conscience, a measure of the morality of the 'master-nation'.
Relations between Africans and French by 1960 were far from unambiguous, and far from being sufficiently understood. More than fifty years later, these complex themes require further analysis. This book addresses many open questions regarding the Franco-African experience through five major themes. The first part of the book analyses the late colonial state, and discusses some politico-administrative decisions taken in the last years of the French colonial empire. It considers the loi-cadre, the Gaston Defferre Law, and discusses Guinea-Conakry, apparently a model country of nationalist activities in the 1950s, and the behaviour of French officials in August 1960 in one of the first important political crises. The 'military bond' narrative and military continuities are addressed in the second part of the book. The forms of propaganda employed by the French army to motivate African soldiers in French West Africa, the military transition in French Soudan/Mali, and the colonial war against Mauritanian insurgents after independence are discussed. The third part of the book sheds light on key elements of continuity in relations between Africans and French, with a focus on the question of educational cooperation. The fourth part sets the French and the British trajectories in relation to each other, and examines the attempt by the French to make an entry into Southern Rhodesia. The book presents case studies of the effects of the memory of processes that took place during the transfer of power and during the establishment of post-colonial relations between African leaders and the former metropole.
Britain, France and the Rhodesian problem, 1965–1969
minority-governed Rhodesia, ‘the last outpost of the British Empire in
Africa and the last colony in the continent’, was transformed into majority-ruled
Zimbabwe (The Guardian, 2010, 16 April).
The roots of the slow-paced decolonisation of Zimbabwe, known as Southern
Rhodesia from 1901–65 and Rhodesia from 1965–79, lie deep in the history of
white settlement in the region. A self-governing colony from 1923, Southern
Rhodesia held a unique status within the British Empire, as a territory in
which a white minority simultaneously maintained autonomy from the metropolitan
Racial nostalgia and population panic in Smith’s Rhodesia and Powell’s
R HODESIA HAS ALWAYS floated somewhere in between the realms of reality and fantasy. This ethereal quality can be attributed in part to the self-mythologizing stories white settlers told themselves about their own rebellion; partly to the overdrawn tales these settlers told people in the West about life in Rhodesia; and partly to the parables some people in the West told themselves, and continue to tell themselves, about a utopian Rhodesia that never existed. Rhodesia was the object and subject of other fantasies as well. Incongruously, despite its self
The politics of migration in the final days of Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa, 1970–94
Jean P. Smith
‘semi-slave labour system’, the poster’s
message was: ‘Don’t support them. Don’t emigrate.’ 1 While there had long been critiques of
white migration to South Africa and Rhodesia in this vein, as campaigns against white
minority rule in both nations intensified from the 1960s opposition to white migration became
more prominent and widespread.
Despite these campaigns and increasing international condemnation, British
migration, especially to South Africa, continued at high rates throughout much of the 1970s
and into the